Aesthetic expressions: punk dress and the workplace. more

Aesthetic Expressions: Punk Dress and the Workplace A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Monica Sklar IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Marilyn DeLong, Ph.D. November 2010 © Monica Sklar 2010 i Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following people for their contribution to this effort: Dr. Marilyn DeLong for her thoughtful advising, mentoring, dissertation committee work, endless edits of this manuscript, and my inclusion on her other research projects; All those who participated in this project in any manner - including the focus group, survey respondents, and especially the 20 invaluable interviewees; Dr. Joanne Eicher for chairing my dissertation committee, helpful edits to this manuscript, and useful lessons in her dress and culture course; Dr. Jim Bequette for his participation on my dissertation committee, and providing me interesting material through his postmodern visual culture course and individualized study on narrative and arts based research; Dr. Kim Johnson for early participation on my dissertation committee and edits to the proposal, as well as vastly useful information in her dress and behavior course; Dr. Elizabeth Bye for stepping in last minute for my doctoral oral defense and providing insightful questions and comments at the exam; All of the instructors, colleagues, and friends who have supported me through lessons, collaboration, and inspiration, as well as commented on or edited this work, which has helped tremendously. I would also like to acknowledge: Kathy and Gary Sklar for their endless endorsement of my studies and of my various life pursuits, as well as their utmost emphasis on and respect for education in the classroom and otherwise; Harlo for his unwavering support and companionship in all aspects of life including his tireless hours contributing to building this project; and finally to Levi for providing me a great reason to make sure I got this manuscript written in an expedient fashion. ii Dedication For Levi iii Abstract Work and non-work dress for individuals who identify with the punk subculture involves thoughtful manipulation of appearance. This study asked: What are punk individuals’ experiences concerning the apparel-bodyconstruct for their workplace environments? These individuals negotiate between aesthetic expressions of their subcultural identity and the role they believe they are expected to play at work. An online survey with 208 individual participants identified interview candidates. Participant suitability was based on fulltime employment, selfidentification with punk, demographics, workplace dress codes, and evidence of appearance labor (Peluchette, Karl, & Rust 2006). Interviews were conducted with 20 men and women, aged 26 – 45, and located in three major cities in the Midwestern United States. Interviewee professions ranged from law to education to sales. Interview topics included: commitment to punk and their profession, concern for others’ impressions, and aesthetic details. Data were analyzed using DeLong’s (1998) framework “Form, Viewer, and Context.” Literature incorporated punk dress, workplace dress, aesthetics, identity expression, postmodernism and globalization. All interviewees try to look “appropriate” for the workplace, which can be an obstacle for those whose dress expresses an ideology. Interviewees expressed that feeling “appropriate” and feeling like “oneself” are sometimes competing concepts, resulting in appearance labor and necessitating accommodations. Interviewees reported a balancing act of blending in and standing out, iv taking into consideration viewer interpretations and subsequent positive and negative outcomes. Efforts to wear “appropriate” dress included modifying one’s punk appearance by conceding to dress codes and using perceived nonconfrontational aesthetic choices. Dress is manipulated per context and features selectively revealing or concealing of punk symbols, with punk cues subtly coded to appear conventional. Some individuals develop two wardrobes representing work and non-work while others prefer one versatile wardrobe. Interviewees strive to push with the boundaries of workplace appropriateness while reaching toward satisfying aesthetic self-expression. How interviewees manipulate form was influenced by demographics and feelings of commitment to one’s profession. Multiple interviewees expressed a willingness to forego punk dress if their career incorporated ideas from punk ideology. They reported higher emotional comfort related to job satisfaction and status within the punk community and in the workplace. v Table of Contents List of Tables………………………………………………………………………….xv List of Figures………………………………………………………………………..xvi List of Lists…………………………………………………………………………..xvii Chapter 1: Introduction……………………………………………………………….1 Research Questions…………………………………………………………………….2 Background of Experiences That Led to This Study………………………………...3 Preliminary Research for This Study………………………………………………….5 Overview of Study Framework…………………………………………………………6 Justification For This Study…………………………………………………………...11 • Justification For The Workplace Focus……………………………………...12 Studying The Wearer Instead of The Viewer……………………………………….12 Chapter 2: Literature Review……………………………………………………….15 Introduction To Main Concepts………………………………………………………15 • • • • • • Defining Dress………………………………………………………………….15 Identity Theory…………………………………………………………………17 Aesthetics………………………………………………………………………19 Aesthetics Framework………………………………………………………...23 Influences on Contemporary Dress………………………………………….24 The Dress of Postmodernism and Globalization…………………………...25 o postmodern personalization of dress………………………………..26 • Subculture and Punk…………………………………………………………..28 o defining subculture…………………………………………………….30 vi o previous research on subculture and dress………………………...32 o the punk subculture……………………………………………………36 o punk/subcultural identity salience and multiple identities………….39 • Workplace and Work Dress…………………………………………………..40 o changing dress for changing workplaces……………………………41 o work dress and symbolism……………………………………………42 o dress and appropriateness on the job……………………………….44 o shifting between groups in workplace dress………………………..46 o studying the workplace wearer instead of the viewer……………...47 o work dress conclusions……………………………………………….48 Literature Review Summary and Lead In To Methodology……………………….49 Chapter 3: Methodology…………………………………………………………….50 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..50 Data Collection…………………………………………………………………………51 • • • • • • Focus Group Pilot Study………………………………………………………51 Call For Participants and Web Survey to Determine Interviewees……….54 Online Survey…………………………………………………………………..55 Request For Interviewees…………………………………………………….57 Interview Preparation………………………………………………………….57 Interview Details……………………………………………………………….58 o participant’s punk history and dressing punk……………………….59 o workplace environment and dressing for work……………………..59 o research questions…………………………………………………….60 vii • Interview Video…………………………………………………………………61 Qualitative Coding of Interview Data………………………………………………...63 Punk Dress Undefined For This Research………………………………………….64 Narrative and Arts Based Research…………………………………………………66 • • The Need For Narrative and Visual Research Within Dress Studies…….68 Dissemination, the Narrative Approach, and Researcher Bias…………...71 Continuing to Data Analysis…………………………………………………………..74 Chapter 4: Introduction to Data Analysis………………………………………..75 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..75 Data Collection…………………………………………………………………………76 • • • • • Basic Qualifications For Interviewees……………………………………….77 Detailed Qualifications for Interviewees…………………………………….78 Geography Categorization……………………………………………………79 Age Categorization…………………………………………………………….79 Evidence of Appearance Labor………………………………………………80 Online Survey Data For All Participants…………………………………………….82 • • Qualifications…………………………………………………………………..82 Careers…………………………………………………………………………84 Online Survey Data Specifically From the Interviewees…………………………..86 Summary of Findings For Interviewees……………………………………………..91 Meet the Interviewees…………………………………………………………………93 Continuation To Further Data Analysis……………………………………………...99 Chapter 5: Data Analysis - Punk Dress Past and Present…………………..100 viii Introduction……………………………………………………………………………100 How Respondents Describe Punk Dress In General…………………………….101 • Key Physical Themes From Respondents 101 o iconic…………………………………………………………………..102 o historical background………………………………………………...103 o iconic but not always thorough or accurate………………………..107 o subgenres……………………………………………………………..110 • Key Motivational Themes From Respondents/Cultural Hallmarks……...115 o identity/mentality/attitude/argot……………………………………..115 o DIY/lack of mainstream branding…………………………………..117 o differentiation against mainstream/ differentiate self from others even within punk……………………………………………………...119 o the way it’s put together/identifying the like-minded vs. posers…122 o know it when I see it………………………………………………….124 o time invested/attention to detail…………………………………….125 How The Interviewees Wear Punk Dress Today: The Physical & the Cultural..126 • Key Themes Addressed by Interviewees………………………………….127 o punk by wearer definition/how you put it together………………..127 o punk by wearer definition-you wear it……………………………..129 o punk by wearer definition-where you wear it and the related details……………………………………………….…………………130 o one of a kind/DIY/vintage/used…………….……………………….131 o piercing/hair color/tattoo………………..……………………………133 ix o distressed apparel………………………………………..…………..134 o accessories/men’s accessories are sometimes their facial hair...136 o jeans and t-shirts, shorts, hardcore/casual style/bands…………138 o black and dark colors…………….…………..………………………141 o boots……………………………….…………..………………………143 o 70s/80s classic punk style……………..……………………………144 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………..145 • How Key Themes of General and Personal Punk Dress Fit Within FVC Framework…………………………………………………………………….146 • • Respondents’ “General” Theme Descriptions of Punk Dress…………...146 Respondents’ “As Worn” Theme Descriptions of Personal Punk Dress.147 Continuation To Further Data Analysis…………………………………………….147 Chapter 6: Data Analysis Using Framework – Form…………………………148 Introduction To Form…………………………………………………………………148 What Is Punk Dress; What Is Work Dress…………………………………………148 Aesthetic Concepts…………………………………………………………………..151 • Aesthetic Concept: Expressive and Referential Characteristics………..151 o expressive characteristics…………………………………………...151 o referential characteristics……………………………………………152 • • Aesthetic Concepts: Frequency of the Garment Form Specifics……….154 Aesthetic Concepts: Discussion of Garment Form Specifics……………156 o line and shape………………………………………………………..157 o color……………………………………………………………………158 x o black = punk…………………………………………………………..158 o khaki = work…………………………………………………………..159 o silver/metals = punk………………………………………………….160 o other colors for punk or work…………………………………..……161 o pattern = either environment depends on details…………..……..162 o texture = depends on context……………………………….………163 • Aesthetic Concepts: Frequency of Form vs. Geography, Age Bracket, and Occupation……………………………………………………………………164 Appearance Labor……………………………………………………………………168 • Appearance labor: Accommodations………………………………………168 o accommodations, age, and looking good………………………….168 • Appearance Labor: One Closet, Two Closets, and Somewhere In Between - The Part To Whole Relationship………………………………………….171 • Appearance Labor: Dress Up and Casual…………………………………175 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………..179 Chapter 7: Data Analysis Using Framework – Viewer……………………….181 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………181 Different Viewers……………………………………………………………………..181 • Punks Viewing Themselves…………………………………………………181 o comfort……………….………………………………………………..182 o discomfort……………………………………….…………………….183 • Punks Being Viewed By Others…………………………………………….184 o apathy toward outside viewer……………………………………….185 xi o happy over positive reactions……………………………………….185 o mixed feelings about negative reactions…………………………..185 o surprised by viewers reactions……………………………………...186 • Punks Viewing Others……………………………………………………….189 Viewer and Occupation……………………………………………………………...190 Blending In vs. Standing Out: Why/When/How…………………………………...192 • • • • Blending In…………………………………………………………………….192 Standing Out………………………………………………………………….193 Sending a Message…………………………...……………………………..194 Pushing Boundaries………………………………………………………….195 Viewer and Appearance Labor……………………………………………………..196 • • Appearance Labor: Effects of Perceived Relationship of Work to Punk.198 Appearance Labor: How Much They Are Defined by Their Work Impacts Comfort in Work Dress………………………………………………………200 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………...203 Chapter 8: Data Analysis Using Framework – Context………………………204 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………204 Dressing Contextually………………………………………………………………..204 • • General Emotional Comfort…………………………………………………205 General Physical Comfort…………………………………………………..206 Physical Contexts…………………………………………………………………….207 • Work Context…………………………………………………………………207 o being fashionable……………………………………………………208 xii o looking the part………………………………………………………208 o tasks per day…………………………………………………………209 o other issues…………………………………………………………..210 • Punk Context………………………………………………………………….211 o comfort……………………………...…………………………………211 o physical comfort in punk………………….………………………….212 o emotional comfort in punk…………………………………………...212 • • Everyday Context…………………………………………………………….214 Other Contexts………………………………………………………………..216 Cultural Context………………………………………………………………………218 • • • Age…………………………………………………………………………….218 The Mainstream………………………………………………………………219 Gender………………………………………………………………………...219 Personal Feelings of Confidence in Context………………………………………221 How Is It All Managed & Appearance Labor………………………………………224 • • Appearance Labor: Pushing Boundaries…………………………………..224 Appearance Labor: Two Closet Vs. One Closet………………………….225 o two closets…………………………………………………………….226 o one closet – blending………………………………………………..226 • Appearance Labor: Blend In Vs. Stand Out Depends on Context……...228 o blending in at work…………………………………………………...228 o standing out in punk………………………………………………….229 o tone it down…………………………………………………………...231 xiii Appearance Labor: Reveal and Conceal in Work Context………………………232 o tattoo coverage and piercing removal……………………………..233 o voiding out punk details……………………………………………..233 o age context makes things look more inappropriate over time/gender and sexuality………………………………………………………….234 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………...234 Chapter 9: Summary, Discussion, and Implications…………………………236 Summary of Research……………………………………………………………….236 Discussion of Research Questions…………………………………………………236 • Answering the Research Questions………………………………………..237 Discussion of Methodology………………………………………………………….242 • • • Pilot Focus Group…………………………………………………………….242 Online Survey and Interviews and Analysis……………………………….243 Narrative and Arts Based Research………………………………………..244 o using visuals…………………………………………………………..244 o narrative……………………………………………………………….245 o wearer point-of-view………………………………………………….247 o using my insider perspective………………………………………..248 Discussion of Primary Concepts Throughout Research…………………………249 • • • • Aesthetics……………………………………………………………………..249 Defining Dress………………………………………………………………..249 Punk Dress……………………………………………………………………250 Workplace Dress……………………………………………………………..252 xiv • • Identity Salience/Multiple Identities………………………………………...253 Postmodernism/Globalization as Influences On Contemporary Dress…254 o postmodernism……………………………………………………….254 o globalization…………………………………………………………..256 • Appearance Labor……………………………………………………………257 o levels of appearance labor…………………………………………..257 o accommodations……………………………………………………..259 o appearance labor conclusions………………………………………260 Implications Based on Limitations………………………………………………….260 Implications for Further Research………………………………………………….262 Reference List……………………………………………………………………….264 Appendix A: Supplementary Lists……………………………………………….272 Lists of All Online Survey Respondents’ Professions…………………………….272 Appendix B: Survey and Interview Materials………………………………….282 Online Survey Consent Form……………………………………………………….282 Online Survey Questions……………………………………………………………283 Interview Consent Form……………………………………………………………..285 Interview Questions…………………………………………………………………..288 xv List of Tables: Table 1 - Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Basic Qualifications…………………………………………………………………...83 Table 2 - Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees Geography……………………………………………………………………...83 Table 3 - Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Age Bracket………………………………………………………………………….84 Table 4 - Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Career Categories………………………………………………………………………86 Table 5 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Geography…………….87 Table 6 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Age Bracket……………87 Table 7 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Career Categories…….88 Table 8 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Basic Qualifications…..90 Table 9 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Years Invested………..90 Table 10 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Punk Styles at Work...91 Table 11 - Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Dress & Expression....91 Table 12 - Coded Interview Data - Popular Codes……………………………….155 xvi List of Figures: Figure 1 - Interview Participants……………………………………………………..94 Figure 2 - Alex and His Union Jack Button-Down Shirt…………………………154 Figure 3 - Nora - One Closet……………………………………………………...171 Figure 4 - Jonathan - One Blended Closet………………………………………173 Figure 5 - Zhac - Two Closets…………………………………………………….174 Figure 6 - Denise - Toning Down Punk Jewelry for the Workplace…………...230 xvii List of Lists: List 1 - Interviewees’ professions…………………………………………………….88 The rest of the lists are found In Appendix A; Lists 2 - 15 are responses to the online survey question “What type of work do you do?” List 2 - Education & Childcare………………………………………………………272 List 3 - Law…………………………………………………………………………...273 List 4 - Customer Service/Retail/Food Service/Hospitality/Sales……………….274 List 5 - Computers/Information Technology/Programming………………………275 List 6 - Art & Design………………………………………………………………….275 List 7 - Psychology/Social Work/Nonprofits/Outreach……………………………276 List 8 - Business……………………………………………………………………..277 List 9 - Entertainment & Media……………………………………………………...278 List 10 - Medical/Police/Fire…………………………………………………………279 List 11 - Automotive/Engineering/Technical/Trade……………………………….279 List 12 - Government………………………………………………………………..279 List 13 - Health/Fitness/Beauty……………………………………………………..280 List 14 - Science……………………………………………………………………..280 List 15 - Other………………………………………………………………………..280 1 Chapter 1: Introduction In this postmodern era many people express a feeling of walking between worlds. Careers, family, religion, politics, and social interests are all aspects of an individual’s often overlapping roles that define them. Many people exist in situations where they can function autonomously with different groups of people in varied contexts. Today individuals have several parts of life that have little to do with one another, including the participants in each of those environments. The necessities for expressing one’s varied roles, such as one’s appearance, may be different. Identity theory refers to an individual’s composite self that includes the multiple identities tied to social roles an individual plays. One’s social roles often have a way of expressing outwardly, with meanings and ideas connected to one’s external presence, which the individual internalizes and develops as a personal identity (Stone, 1962; Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000). Dress plays a large, although at times complicated, part in this identity expression of an individual coming into his or her own in a certain role (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Often a way identities are expressed is through the creative use of dress. Aesthetics can be altered for each physical and cultural context to suit the different roles. Through the manipulation of the aesthetics of one’s appearance, an individual can align himself with varied aspects of culture and lifestyles, and sometimes multiple aspects at the same time. One can navigate the complexities of identity expression with consideration for the apparel-body-construct. The apparel-body-construct (ABC) is defined as “the ‘look,’ the ‘presentation,’ or the ‘appearance’ of the body, clothing, and accessories as a visual unit. Perceiving 2 this unit involves relationships within the clothing ensemble and also those relationships of the clothing to the body and to one’s physical and cultural context (DeLong, 1998, p. 26).” Context is the immediate situation and the cultural and physical surroundings that impact aesthetics. This study focuses on the arena of the contemporary workplace as the primary context and the Midwestern region of the United States. I have actively debated about my ABC for work and other contexts in my life. “Sophistipunk” is a term my husband and others have dubbed for my dress style, and that notion represents a core idea of this study. I have noticed it is not just my friends and I who are making these decisions, but everyone seems to debate on some level how to manage the varied competing and overlapping parts of their lives. PTA moms are also in corporate sales and religious devotees are also accountants. How do they look appropriate for both contexts? It seems that sometimes the intricacies of that navigation lead to tension known as ‘appearance labor’ (Peluchette, Karl, & Rust, 2006). ‘Appearance labor’ refers to the struggle between competing identities and the perception of a need to make appropriate dress choices. Researchers describe ‘appearance labor’ as a “certain amount of physical and mental effort on the part of the attire wearer, particularly for those who care a great deal about their workplace image (p. 50).” They also add there is a “certain amount of dissonance between what individuals believe that they are expected to wear and what they would prefer to wear (p. 50).” Research Questions An individual with a salient subcultural identity, such as ‘punk’, who works 3 in an environment that is not related to that subculture, may be an example of someone who goes through the aesthetic process of expressing multiple identities, and, potentially experiences ‘appearance labor’. My goal is to evaluate these ideas and dig deeper into how individuals use dress. To do this I researched self identified punks to determine how they use dress in the workplace for identity expression. From my personal experiences and previous explorations on the subject an overall research question emerged that this study attempts to answer: What are punk individuals’ experiences concerning the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? To effectively answer this question multiple sub-questions were developed: R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? R3. What are punk individuals’ experiences in relating their punk dress and workplace dress? r3a. How do punk individuals change or shift the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? r3b. How are specific items of dress re-purposed in different ways for punk and work identities? Background of Experiences That Led to This Study These questions were in part conceived out of my own experiences. As I 4 get dressed for work each weekday morning I go through both quick and labored efforts figuring out what to wear, how to do my hair, what accessories are right, and all of the styling details the look entails. I’ll debate whether my Dr. Martens combat boots look too aggressive for teaching a group of freshmen, or whether in a Minnesota November the students would even notice that the boots are subcultural icons and not just cold weather protection. Certainly my current contemplations are not the first time I’ve encountered these issues. Employers, ranging from cosmetic retailers to chain music stores to childcare facilities, have told me that I cannot work there with my eyebrow piercing. I have self-identified as “punk” for fifteen years and for almost ten years prior to that I was involved in or at least knowledgeable about varied subcultures that included punk or related lifestyles and interests. As my dress style has matured and refined I sometimes now think to myself, “Do these high heels and premium denim jeans make me look more like a Hollywood wannabe than the girl who spent years in basement mosh pits?” I wonder what my clothes are saying about me. However, the jeans are great for both work and the bar, stylish in their narrow cut and late 70s/early 80s retro style, but also serious in their dark color, like a formal pant, with no holes or abrasions. They seem equally effective with a concert t-shirt on weekends or with a J Crew blazer in the classroom. Similarly, my husband, who also self-identifies as “punk” analyzes his appearance to see if he can still get away with a Mohawk, or even a “faux hawk?” Maybe so, if he does not dye it a bright color, he debates. Or is he too high up the ladder at work, or simply too old for it not to look forced, silly, or out of context during his day at work or even at the concert with our friends who are in their 30s 5 and 40s? He will check whether he has a client meeting that day at his advertising agency, and if so, does an expensive designer tie offset wearing Converse Chuck Taylor athletic shoes? Each time we move apartments, and each season when we change over our closets, more and more is pitched to the donation bin, or stored away in keepsake boxes, and replaced with items that seem functional in almost every context. Yes there are business suits on one extreme and confrontational political or band t-shirts on the other, but those items are becoming fewer and farther between and are increasingly outnumbered by the vast middle ground of dress objects that represent a sort of neutral style somewhere between punk and professor, between mod and media mogul. This study explores how others are handling similar issues of punk dress and the workplace. I attempted to pull together the knowledge gained from my personal experiences, a previous pilot study, and preceding literature reviews and research projects to inform how I approach answering the research questions. Preliminary Research for This Study To prepare for this research I conducted a pilot study with a small focus group to begin to look into the topic of punk dress and the workplace. The pilot study consisted of a group of five individuals who self identified as punk and are employed in environments that were not necessarily related to their punk interests or lifestyle. The findings indicated compelling results that were further considered. The most prominent finding was that the respondents attempt to bring 6 together one unified wardrobe to express their aesthetic identity. They created a form of dress that, with some variation, is appropriate in multiple environments. They expressed that with age and experience in their work and personal lives they were able to find consistency in how they wanted to express themselves and how to interact with others. They also explained that they have created a range, or scale of flexibility from the same overall wardrobe within which they negotiate dress for either their work or nonwork environments. The respondents were quite conscientious about their identity expression and impressions upon others and actively use dress in their lives for communication purposes. The results of the pilot study helped shape the goals of this study and therefore assisted in the development of its research questions. Overview of Study Framework To answer the research questions of this study I used aesthetic concepts to shape the literature review, data collection and analysis. Punk dress and work dress both have the potential to be greatly imbued with meaning and the use of specific aesthetic forms may help construct these desired identity expressions. DeLong (1998) explained that meaning can have a direct relationship to the way forms are perceived and interpreted, and that “you will perceive a visual scheme through your senses, and you understand its effect on you as a viewer based on education and prior experience (p. 27).” Punk individuals may incorporate or differentiate punk dress and work dress through aesthetic choices. The purpose may be based on what she has learned about those forms of dress in workplace contexts. To further explore these ideas the literature review provides necessary 7 background into the use of dress within the punk subculture as well as within the contemporary workplace. It also incorporates some relevant aspects of identity theory (Goffman, 1959; Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992; Stone, 1962; Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000) and postmodernism (Derrida, 1976; Henderson & DeLong, 2000; Jencks, 1980; Maynard, 2004; Mirzoeff, 1999; Sturken & Cartwright, 2001) as support ideas to provide a general understanding of individuals’ expressive use of dress, and, a specific understanding of the use of aesthetics and dress in the punk subculture. This study data is framed from the wearer’s point of view to understand the individual’s own perspective concerning his particular aesthetic process and his forms’ relationship to his varied identities within his overall self. The procedure to collect and analyze this data contains a series of steps. Upon the receipt of IRB approval, a call for participants was distributed to an online convenience sample via email through the snowball method. The initial request for participants was sent to known associates of the researcher, as well as to applicable online locations such as listservs, websites, and blogs. Respondents were asked to partake in a brief web-based survey for preidentification to determine if a person would be a good candidate for a long-form interview. The purpose of the web survey is to address the research questions and gain any evidence that the respondents’ have experienced ‘appearance labor.’ Indications of ‘appearance labor’ in the responses would be if a participant describes himself as highly interested in punk dress and work dress and makes attempts to look appropriate for work. This may reflect Peluchette, Karl, & Rust’s (2006) description that ‘appearance labor’ includes “physical and mental effort” 8 and possible resulting “dissonance” between preferences and expectations regarding workplace dress. The web survey asked a number of basic, short answer questions about dress behaviors and demographics to gather this information. Qualifications were set to determine participants who are best suited for further participation in this research. These qualifiers include: age above 18 years old, self identifying as punk, and not wearing a strictly prescribed uniform in the workplace. The use of generalized dress standards in the workplace would not disqualify the participant. Furthermore, a qualifying participant would have established a permanent, adult presence in the working world where work serves as a significant component of his life. This would then exclude individuals who work limited part time hours such as full time college students with a weekend job. The call for participants generated numerous respondents to take the web survey from which a sample was selected of approximately twenty individuals for in-depth, in-person interviews. Preferable candidates for the interviews answered the survey questions possibly with some indication that they experience ‘appearance labor’ regarding their punk dress and their workplace dress. They indicated the ability to articulate their ideas with clarity in an interview by demonstrating a high level of interested in the optional comments fields of the survey. The next step following the selection of the sample was interviews. The purpose of the interview was to answer the research questions about aesthetic processes and experiences. In the interview participants discussed and audio recorded their perspectives. They also displayed and describe dress 9 ensembles that represent their punk dress and their work dress and this was captured through digital video. The interview questions covered the participants’ punk dress history, work dress history, and the relationship between their punk and work dress. This data could clarify what kinds of conceptual borders are constructed for the use of garments and how some aesthetic choices may be translated across these boundaries. According to my pilot study participants, some dress behaviors span across categorizations such as work and nonwork and punk and mainstream, and this study further investigated that claim and details of process. Using aesthetics for data analysis I deciphered themes through the use of qualitative data coding software and by reviewing the interview responses on a case-by-case basis. These themes may include but are not limited to: that there is value in the parts of the appearance and the whole appearance, that the occupational and/or workplace selection itself is important regarding dress, and that ‘appearance labor’ can be overcome or disregarded. Throughout the data analysis I acknowledged and accepted my biases on the subject matter and attempted to use my collected education and experiences to assist in a thorough review of the materials. I was able to use my prior knowledge to the study’s benefit to fill in blanks, define slang, and attempted to draw conclusions about the participants’ descriptions and the attire they wore to the interview. To analyze the apparel-body-construct (DeLong, 1998) of punks making aesthetic choices for their workplaces, I reviewed the text and visual data from the interviews using the framework of “form, viewer, and context (FVC)” (DeLong, 10 1998). The form includes “the body and how the clothing and the body interrelate (p. 11).” This was described by the participant and shown through their dress at the interview. The viewer “is the observer of the form (p. 16).” This could be a third-party or the wearer himself when he evaluates his own image. This was demonstrated as the participants described their perspectives about their punk and work dress and the related processes. The context is both physical, such as “immediate physical space or environment and how all aspects of this space interact with the clothed body (p. 18),” and cultural, including “date, time, and place, as well as the values and ideals of a society (p. 18).” The context is the participant’s workplace including the physical and cultural components. Through this FVC framework one can analyze a punk individual’s process of aesthetic choices to create dress forms for her workplace context to be viewed and interpreted by herself and coworkers. Narrative and arts based research methods influenced this study in both the data collection and the dissemination of findings. Research methods that incorporate reflexivity and transparency in researcher bias, as well as the combining of oral and visual data collection for analysis, generally falls under the banner of narrative and arts based methodologies (Barone & Eisner, 2006; Eisner, 1997; Finley, 2003; Sullivan, 2005). These research styles incorporate arts perspectives and practices alongside traditional research methods in order to enhance and/or expand the possibilities for learning, and increase accuracy in understanding and representing data and ideas. Researchers have indicated that when appropriate, a written piece could be better understood if there are accompanying images, and at times, collecting 11 visual data in addition to written or oral data could lead to increased accuracy (Bottorff, 1994; Pink, 2007). Fischman (2001) points out how the inclusion of visuals in studies is crucial because in our current culture “images have become an omnipresent and overpowering means of circulating signs, symbols and information (p. 29).” Therefore, in the data collection of this study videos, and still photos from the videos, are used in conjunction with audio recording the oral interview discussions. The participants were asked to bring or wear to the interview ensembles for a typical workday, as well as ensembles that represent their punk style. The informed consent form includes a place for permission from the participants to take digital images of them, and they can indicate if identifying characteristics should be removed from any public presentations of the study findings. An advantage of using a visual component to research is that it can provide a wealth of data not possible in traditional oral interviews with note taking which is reliant on a researcher who cannot conceivably collect all the visual data (Bottorff, 1994; Fischman, 2001; Pink, 2007). The video and stills offer supportive in the data analysis process and in answering of the research questions, and also, the imagery serves as visual definition of the participants’ interview responses to benefit researcher and readers’ understandings of what is being discussed. Furthermore, interviewees may be primed to effectively answer questions on the research topic when physically interacting with examples of their own of dress that represent the punk/work subject matter. Justification For This Study This research increases understanding of the use of dress in modern life. 12 In general, this material can continue and expand the ongoing discussion of postmodern dress when individuals play multiple roles in diverse contexts. Punks and other subcultural participants can reflect on the experiences of similar others who use creativity in work identity development that can be seen as an example of the multiplicity in modern dress behaviors. Specifically, studying dress practices for subcultural participants outside of their internal group, such as working punks, adds useful and more thorough information about their lived experiences, and therefore increases the knowledge base in areas such as dress scholarship, business literature, and social science. This potentially creates better working environments that assist in the achievement of goals for all involved and develops an overall clearer understanding of individuals in one’s workplace. Justification For The Workplace Focus The work context was chosen because it can be seen as a common denominator among the participants, something that virtually everyone engages in. They typically share some common workplace objectives including fiscal success, upward mobility, positive coworker interactions, and satisfaction in accomplishments. Nonwork was not chosen as the arena for this study because it is more difficult to quantify. Certainly there are a multitude of forms of workplaces and roles within a workplace, but there is always the common centrality of being a worker. With nonwork there are infinite roles and environments one can engage in and therefore are more difficult to evaluate. Studying The Wearer Instead of The Viewer Since this study is rooted so deeply in a person’s opinions of identity 13 expression and aesthetic value, it is key that the data gathered about the workers is from the workers’ point of view. There are many studies on workplace dress and on subculture that delve into ideas such as authenticity, appropriateness and social interactions, but typically they are from the outsider’s point of view. This study goes straight to the source of the information, the wearers, to learn their motivations and opinions on their own dress. The wearers’ point of view in the workplace is beneficial as they can express how they feel they are most successful and best understood, which is of value in their workplace accomplishments and abilities. The wearers’ perspective for subcultural studies is important because too often subcultural studies are filled with outsider judgment and misconceptions, as well as lack insight into actual meanings and motivations due to the limitations of a researcher’s outsider position. The voice to the subcultural wearer, particularly in their workplace environment, gives insight into aspects of their lives that have rarely been accurately documented, if recorded at all. Furthermore, the acknowledgment of my biases and choice to be transparent about the researcher’s perspective on the subject aided the study in effectiveness through increased clarity, insight, and ability to recognize concepts and empathize with the participants. The interviewees’ voices are primary but as the researcher, I can help interpret the information to provide focus. This information on how individuals negotiate their dress for multiple identities could then potentially carry over and be interpreted for other nonnormative groups in normative situations, as well as perhaps the concepts could be applied to anyone who is shifting between or overlapping in identities. 14 The chapters that follow will go through my research process, analysis, and resulting implications. Chapter 2 is a review of literature of all of the pertinent topics that provided a foundation for this study. Chapter 3 addresses the methodology of how the study was performed, including a focus group, survey, and interviews. Chapter 4 is an introduction to the data analysis on the survey portion of the research including data from all respondents and highlighting the results from those respondents that would go on to be interviewees. It also further addresses methodological issues as to how the results were generated. Chapter 5 is data analysis from the interviews, focusing on interpretations of punk dress over time. With those results one can better understand the relationship of punk dress to the contemporary workplace. Chapters 6 - 8 are the results of the interviews shaped within the Form, Viewer, Context framework (Delong, 1998). Each component of the three-part framework has a dedicated chapter. Chapter 9 summarizes the research, discusses the results, and comes to conclusions about the implications of the data. 15 Chapter 2: Literature Review Introduction To Main Concepts In order to study ideas about how people transition between identities and cultural environments through their use of dress, and particularly people who identify as punks in the workplace, there are multiple angles that need to be reviewed. These include identity theory, aesthetics, the concept of postmodernism, a discussion of punk dress history and symbolism, and similarly, of workplace dress. Each of these concepts is elaborated on throughout the literature review. Defining Dress As we move into this study, it is important to explore the ideas of form, dress, and style since they are at the center of the research project. These related concepts are defined and described from diverse perspectives. Eicher (2000) uses a social cultural approach and defines ‘dress’ as, “A system of nonverbal communication that enhances human beings’ interaction as they move in space and time. As a coded sensory system, dressing the body occurs when human beings modify their bodies visually or through other sensory measures by manipulating color, texture, scent, sounds, and taste or by supplementing their bodies with articles of clothing and accessories, and jewelry (p. 422).” This definition is clear regarding the physical and communicative qualities of dress but is vague regarding attitudinal factors, and context and how the dress is embodied. An aesthetic oriented perspective of dress focuses on the apparel-bodyconstruct (DeLong, 1998). This is defined as “a visual form that results from the 16 interaction of apparel on the human body; a concept of this physical object based on sensory data (p. 339).” The apparel-body-construct combines the styling with the body inhabiting it within its cultural context, and, incorporates ideas about value. Brake’s (1985) description of ‘style’ is commonly used in sociological literature and particularly contemporary studies of subculture. He brings together three primary elements as “A. ‘Image’, appearance composed of costume, accessories such as a hair-style, jewelry, and artifacts. B. ‘Demeanor’, made up of expression, gait, and posture. Roughly this is what the actors wear and how they wear it. C. ‘Argot’, a special vocabulary and how it is delivered (p. 11-12).” Brake’s ideas take into account whether, for example, a punk can inhabit any dress artifact and make it ‘punk’, or whether anyone can inhabit a ‘punk’ artifact and then they are punk. This same analysis could be applied to workplace dress artifacts regarding how they are utilized and perceived. Brake’s ‘Image’, ‘Demeanor’, and ‘Argot’ also can be useful in dealing with issues of authenticity. Using a combination of these descriptions, the form, dress, and style of this study’s participants may include visual examples such as suits and neck-ties, combat boots and metal studded belts, piercings, tattoos, fine jewelry, traditional and unconventional hairstyles, and numerous other adaptations to the body that reflect punk and workplace identities. It may also include attitudinal and contextual perspectives that influence the use and interpretation of these physical adaptations, as well as how successfully the wearer’s messages are communicated through the use of the objects. 17 Identity Theory A creative and strategic use of dress aims to achieve certain goals for the wearer. However, the manner in which people express their identities using dress is complex. Roach-Higgins and Eicher (1992) theorized that dress is of great importance in communicating an identity. Identity theory refers to one’s entire self as a composite of multiple identities tied to the social roles individuals play (Stone, 1962; Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000). According to the theory, meanings and ideas regarding an external role, such as a job, are internalized as a role identity within an individual’s self. Often dress is part of an individual coming into their own in a certain role. Role identity can be defined as when social meanings and expectations of an external role are internalized within an individual’s personal identity. Goffman (1959) said, “When the individual presents himself before others, his performance will tend to incorporate and exemplify the officially accredited values of the society, more so, in fact, than does his behavior as a whole,” (p. 35). This performance of a role via one’s identity expression is his role enactment (Goffman, 1959). In role enactment evaluations are made and individuals sometimes suppress aspects of their identity they deem inappropriate in order to achieve greater social acceptance. Goffman (1959) discussed that individuals may have to conceal something inappropriate for the strength of performance. Peluchette, Karl, & Rust (2006) use the phrase ‘appearance labor’ to refer to the struggle between competing identities and the perception of a need to make appropriate dress choices. They describe appearance labor as a “certain amount of physical and mental effort on the part of the attire wearer, particularly 18 for those who care a great deal about their workplace image (p. 50).” They also add there is a “certain amount of dissonance between what individuals believe that they are expected to wear and what they would prefer to wear,” (p. 50). Whether appearance labor takes place or not has to do with the idea of identity salience (Stryker & Burke, 2000). The importance a person places on the role affects the salience of the role identity and therefore the level at which that identity is activated and subsequently acted out in related behaviors. This portion of identity theory has two points of complication relevant to address for the sake of this study. First, not every social role will become a part of the self as people assign varied levels of importance to particular roles. For example, an individual may highly value their social role as parent but assign low to no value to their social role as someone who plays jazz music. Second, an individual may assign high value to multiple role identities that may be complementary or competing, potentially leading to appearance labor. For example, that same individual who assigned high value to his parent role may also assign high value to his role as a Harley Davidson motorcycle rider and enthusiast. Consequently, the most salient focus areas of one’s identity become manifested in related behaviors such as certain choices for dress as a form of expression (Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000). Therefore, if that same individual sees himself as a motorcycle enthusiast first, he may make sure to don a black leather jacket over his polo shirt and khakis to a PTA meeting for his parent role, but have no outward display of his interest in playing jazz. Salient identities for this study may be one’s workplace role such as schoolteacher or corporate accountant, and also may be social and lifestyle 19 oriented such as anarchist punk or skate (board) punk. An individual will internalize what it means to them to be a worker or a punk, and those roles will become part of their identity. Therefore an individual with a salient work identity or a salient punk identity will most likely exert more energy for appropriate role enactment for those roles than for other social roles which are not as salient in his or her selves (Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000). In this case individuals may attempt to determine the appropriate dress for work regarding different occupational or organizational roles (Dellinger, 2002; Rafaeli, Dutton, Harquial, & Mackie-Lewis, 1997). They may also try to zero in on the punk dress that best aligns them with the ideas and groups they feel connected to. A great deal of the development of one’s identity as it pertains to dress is about this interaction with others and feelings of connection and understanding of one another. Roach-Higgins and Eicher (1992) utilized the concept of symbolic interaction to explore this idea. They explained that the symbolism attached to dress provides a communication tool to express identity strongly. Through this tool of dress, wearers and observers are aided in their interactions based on their perceptions and evaluations. Aesthetics The relationship between dress, identity and environment is strongly tied to aesthetics and how people assign value. Identity is largely affected by the aesthetic response an individual has to dress when she takes notice and assigns value to visual, tactile, contextual, and symbolic components (DeLong, 1998). To answer my research questions, I looked to aesthetics to understand the specifics of how individuals interpret dress artifacts and the way those artifacts are put 20 together to create and understand design symbolism. In conjunction with aesthetics I looked into the creative process as it pertains to dress, and how individuals strategically put dress objects together in manners that shift and change the objects’ symbolism. The concept of aesthetics is about how people define beauty and use evaluative measures to assess the visual, tactile, contextual, and symbolic components being perceived (DeLong, 1998; Hollander, 1978). DeLong (1998) said that one’s aesthetic response is, “your involvement in looking and your resulting experiences stimulated by looking, such as pleasure or satisfaction,” (p. 2). Moreover, aesthetics are not only how we value the visuals we perceive when looking at others, but also in self-expression. She further writes that aesthetics is “A personal expression-it involves what people select and thus becomes an expression of their tastes and preferences,” (p. 5). In evaluating aesthetics as it pertains to dress, one can review such concepts as the relationships of the parts to the whole, the organization and order for the viewing process, and visual definitions including line, color and shape (Delong, 1998). Additional concepts that are now included in aesthetic evaluations are appropriation, time, performance, space, and hybridity (Walker Art Center, 2007). The combination of all of these elements forms the basis for design. Caplan (2005) defines design as “the artful arrangement of materials or circumstances into a planned form,” (p. 23). Although it is popular to align design with art or engineering, Caplan insists that design is neither, but is related to both disciplines. 21 Attfield (2000) described the importance of both sides of the object-subject relationship. She wrote that often in studies the object gets overshadowed and in a way ignored to focus on the subject’s perspective. “Although sophisticated methods of visual analysis derived from an environment drenched in media imagery has undoubtedly increased our knowledge and understanding of the object world, the missing ingredient increasingly becomes the object itself so that the discussion revolves around the meaning divorced from its objectification…the dynamic relationship between people and things, referred to…as the objectsubject relationship,” (p. 16). She advocated that the specifics of the object, such as its aesthetics, be further explored in studying these relationships. Sparke (2004) has been another champion of the importance of design and feels design and culture are interrelated. She asserted that modern design is highly significant because it revolutionized the way people look at products, interact with products, sell and buy products, and react to products. It is both a reflection of cultural changes as well as an agent of change. She summarizes that design can also define people thorough their consumption choices and therefore have a cultural impact. Much of the impact of design, and in this case dress, is rooted in its symbolic value. This object-subject relationship is strongly tied to the symbolism the subject feels is within the object and projecting from it. Caplan (2005) said that symbolism is a foundation of an object’s design. An individual’s consumption is commonly linked to the enjoyment derived from a product, which comes from varied reasons that are often emotional as well as functional. Through this symbolism, people identify with objects, either because of their design 22 specifically, or the way the object was promoted. However, as designs are replicated, mass-produced, copied and changed, it complicates design symbolism and can create multiple layers of meaning (Caplan, 2005; Sparke, 2004). A particularly strong example of this is the dress associated with the subculture of punk, which by its very nature has always had great variation regarding dress objects and design symbolism. Hebdidge (1979) discussed that in subcultures such as punk, the ideology of the lifestyle was aligned with the aesthetic design elements of the clothes and graphics as well as the sonics of the music. However, he noted that while the theme remained consistent, the approach would vary as no component was fixed and no item deemed sacred. Through this blend of stability and change, Hebdige points out that semioticians have had trouble dealing with “the absence of permanent signifiers,” (p. 115). In addition to the fluidity of the imagery and iconography within punk dress, the subculture has also become commercialized and widely distributed. Postmodernity has further complicated the core symbolism of punk dress through vast product diffusion and cultural acceptance. Deciphering the aesthetic value and symbolism embedded within the object is complicated with design, such as with punk dress, which is continually reinvented and simultaneously copied. Attfield (2000) said, “The material object is posited as the vehicle through which to explore the object/subject relationship, a condition that hovers somewhere between the physical presence and the visual image, between the reality of the inherent properties of the material and the myth of fantasy, and between empirical materiality and theoretical representation” (p. 23 11). Aesthetics Framework With this intricate collection of theories and concepts it is crucial to pull it all together in a manner that best addresses the research questions. Therefore, an aesthetics-based framework was chosen that allows for flexibility in the specifics regarding dress objects, individuals, and environments, yet is consistent in how it looks at each variable. DeLong (1998) explained that the aesthetic response is experienced through a three-way interaction of form, viewer (wearer) and context. The form includes “the body and how the clothing and the body interrelate,” (p. 11). The viewer “is the observer of the form (p. 16).” This could be a third-party or the wearer evaluating his own image. The context is both physical, such as “immediate physical space or environment and how all aspects of this space interact with the clothed body,” (p. 18), and cultural including “date, time, and place, as well as the values and ideals of a society,” (p. 18). Through this FVC framework one can analyze the development process and effectiveness of dress and how it is negotiated for multiple cultural situations, including workplace environments and nonwork punk lifestyles. The form of the garments, the context they are placed within, and the position of the viewer are all interconnected in the construction of perceptions (DeLong, 1998). An individual’s participation in a subcultural group, or style tribe (Bennett, 1999; Polhemus, 1994), is a nexus where identity and the FVC framework come together. Punk is an example of one subculture that actively uses dress as part of a complex lifestyle. 24 Influences on Contemporary Dress To pull together dress with identity and aesthetics, it is important to discuss contemporary issues in dress including postmodernism and globalization. The way people embrace ideas from various aspects of life and employ multiple concepts simultaneously, all with their own perspective attached, is inherently postmodern (Henderson & DeLong, 2000; Efland, Freedman, & Stuhr, 1996; Sturken & Cartwright, 2001). This is often reflected in the current use of dress. Individuals fluctuate between dress styles, addressing the needs of varied situations, and often allowing their interpretations of the forms to dictate their use. Mirzoeff (1999) said that in the postmodern era, which is dominated by images, a goal is often the deconstructing of reality through an analysis of these images. Multiplicity is a defining characteristic of postmodernism, and whether it is within oneself, or within how an object is symbolized, the legitimizing of varied perspectives is a core concept of the postmodern (Lyotard, 1984; Derrida, 1976). This acknowledgement of multiple truths and negotiation processes goes hand in hand with defining appropriateness for work and deciphering punk dress symbolism. In the postmodern world, individuals acknowledge the varied roles in their lives and therefore manage multiple selves (Goffman, 1962). Yet how they do this is under great scrutiny. Chriss (1999) reviewed Goffman’s writings on roles and the self. He discussed how Goffman positioned those entities as virtual and authentic selves, and yet never made it clear what constitutes the authentic self. Chriss cited an array of authors who critique Goffman’s lack of clarity on this 25 issue, and his potentially passive approach to positioning the actor as a negotiator of situations, able to exchange faces as needed. While Chriss cites multiple scholars who frame Goffman’s perspective as overtly manipulative, he goes on to reaffirm that the interaction rituals and various everyday life presentations of Goffman’s work “make social life civil and bearable,” (p. 68). Although it is highly complex to ascertain whether a self is authentic, negotiated, or virtual, the core idea that perhaps the lines are quite blurry between them is in itself a postmodern approach to viewing the possibilities of identity. Chriss then progressed to discuss that modernity would prefer to frame identities as true or false and that strategically managing the perceptions of others is sly and negatively strategic, but this perspective may be disregarding postmodern thought, which allows for flexibility. Another related and relevant concept of postmodernism, multiple perspectives are validated when it comes to defining and understanding identities in this case particularly in regard to dress and symbolism (Sturken & Cartwright, 2001). As previously discussed, the use of bricolage and appropriation in the development and expression of dress has been a core concept of the punk subculture. And yet, specific dress artifacts have risen to the top as iconic even within this amorphous idea of a group-identified subculture. The Dress of Postmodernism and Globalization Maynard (2004) described that the way people dress around the world is becoming all the time more ambivalent. This is because increasingly flexible social mores combined with political and global ambiguity lead to experimentation with dress. Dress codes and rules are loosening and shifting, 26 and there is a blending of styles as people adjust to these new options. In a postmodern world, globalization is a reason dress ideas are spreading internationally to such a degree. Maynard (2004) described globalization as an “encompassing and ongoing, imprecise array of dramatic and transforming international changes in politics, media, business, health, new technologies, manufacturing methods, and consumption occurring since the 1970s (p.15).” Globalization, combined with postmodern attitudes, has lead to consumers, particularly the young, being relaxed about their style and mixing many ideas, including new and used clothes. They are very self-aware of the messages they are sending, and consciously mix Western and ethnic dress, as well as abandon or adjust traditional gender and professional garments to form a hybrid that is a little of everything and can be used for many occasions. Maynard referred to Craik’s discussion of “everyday fashion” (Craik, 1994, p. 205), in which the core of global dress appears similar in many countries. postmodern personalization of dress. This hybrid fashion sense could be the result of changing social and political climates, or it could be an agent of change itself. As many companies go increasingly casual in the workplace it is harder to tell occupational hierarchies. However, people do still show levels of status through high-end accessories, techno gadgets, and meticulous personal grooming and fitness. Instead of regimented dress codes, people now make strategic and personal choices based on religion, situation, and the intended viewer. The goal is often modernity, and whether this means a hybrid global look or an updated ethnic appearance, Maynard (2004) stressed that people are increasingly self-aware about their visual cues and they dress with strategy and 27 purpose. Henderson and DeLong (2000) studied students who dress in a manner that would not be considered mainstream fashion, and whose dress may have been expressing a set of ideals and values different from the dominant aesthetic expression and coding systems. They found that, “multiple sources of clothing and their relation to outcome co-exist in personal expression,” (p. 246). They also found that decentering, double coding, and resistance to categorization, were some of the postmodern ideas driving the bricolage style of the students’ dress. This brings to light the idea of authenticity and its relationship to aesthetic value (Caplan, 2005; DeLong, 1998; Sparke, 2004; Sturken & Cartwright, 2001). It is often thought that there is devaluing from copies, which was previously discussed in the complication of the widespread use of punk dress in mainstream products. However, in the reverse, the mass distribution of ideas and related designs also brings higher authenticity value to the original item because the item is widely known, understood, and revered (Sturken & Cartwright, 2001). This concept has a relationship to Livesley and Bromley's (1973) cue analysis process in that a person who uses punk dress components in workplace dress may stand out and be even more thought of as punk for how much that cue is understood by people now, or, they may blend in more than ever as the cue shock value has diminished through more widespread use and perspectives on punk dress. Additionally, an item might be thoughtfully worn which is double-coded and can function with accurately interpreted symbolism in both punk and work contexts (Henderson & DeLong, 2000; Jenks, 1980). Furthermore, how each dress item is interpreted has uncertainty in 28 postmodernism. The wearer most likely has an intended objective and her version of symbolism attached to the objects; yet the viewer may observe and interpret them differently. Consequently, an item that a punk feels maintains his punk self in the workplace may be innocuous to nonpunk viewers if they do not associate punk symbolism to those items. Similarly, punk dress worn to work, which the wearer feels is an interpretation of appropriate workplace dress may not be viewed as such. In contexts that are typically hegemonic, such as the workplace, power relationships can be constructed based on who displays the most knowledge of how to act out a role properly. Subculture and Punk Dress and subculture are valuable to study together to gain a larger understanding of how subcultures develop, how they are maintained, their fashion cycles, and how others interpret them. The combined study of those variables is useful in facilitating an understanding of multiple facets of the complexities of Western culture. This is particularly true because in the latter 20th century and early 21st century, subcultures have played a significant role in the development of popular visual signifiers, which are the catalyst for mainstream styles. Additionally, subcultural appearances are a frequently discussed and often misunderstood component of life regarding socialization, employment, deviance, and people’s perceptions of one another. Studying dress and subculture together is useful in providing evidence and understanding regarding the influence of these important subjects within the fashion and social systems of life. Within the vast array of modern subcultures, punk is one of the most 29 highly visible and influential, alongside hip-hop, goth, and other wide-ranging and long-lasting groups. Although there is great variation within what is considered punk, many components of punk style have become iconic. The aesthetic components of punk style factor heavily into the identity expression of modern individuals who utilize elements of punk dress. It is valuable to consider why some aesthetics elements of punk style retain original meaning, and others are flexible. In other words, why do skateboarders and anarchist punks share black leather, metal-studded belts and dyed hair, but otherwise their wardrobes have developed in radically divergent ways. If each sub-genre of punk has created a style that best represents their lifestyle, what about the original belt with its leather and metal attachments, and vibrant and unnatural hair color to represent core punk values both groups share. Furthermore, how could this aesthetic evaluation translate into someone who aligns himself with punk learning and performing appropriate dress for a workplace. The color, texture, and line in those products could evoke emotions in the wearer and viewer that are matched with the message the punk is sending via dress. Yet to effectively express one’s identity and make a successful impression, there needs to be clarity in the message within the context. It is possible there are primary and secondary components of punk dress, some of which have more valuable and long-standing meaning than others, and even within the variation of punk style some aesthetic components supersede the variation and evolutions. How punk style is defined and worn by each individual may vary, yet, what he/she feels is the core component of their punk style will factor into how they dress for the workplace. There may be some punk dress 30 artifacts or aesthetic ideas that diffuse more clearly and effectively than others. defining subculture. The term ‘subculture’ was coined in the 1940s (Evans, 1997, p. 169), and although it has varied definitions, the key themes generally have to do with appearance, music, and lifestyle in opposition to the masses. In the study of subculture and dress there are other words frequently used in conjunction or instead of ‘subculture’ and many have resulted from an ongoing discourse regarding the effectiveness and accuracy of the terminology. Words such as ‘counter-culture,’ ‘neo-tribes,’ ‘streetstyle,’ and ‘extraordinary dress,’ have all been used as an alternative to ‘subculture’ (Bennett, 1999; Morgado, 2007; Polhemus, 1996). Most of these terms, and their related definitions and descriptions, address the image of a group and the design symbolism and use of dress as a communication tool among likeminded individuals. Sweet (2005) was very specific in describing the types of social situations and problems that result in the development of subcultures. He explained how forming a collective is a method of solution. He said, “In general subcultural theory posits these groups as an individual and collective struggle to address particular societal constraints and socioproblematics (e.g. class structure, gender inequality, racial or ethnic discrimination, alienation). Participating in a subcultural group, an individual actively constructs a subject position at odds with the dominant discourses of hegemonic culture (p. 242).” In addition to being opposed to the mainstream and struggling with social issues, subculture is often characterized by the alternative cultural components 31 that grow out of this outside placement. Williams (2006) explained, “Between the later 1970s and the late 1990s subculture was the predominant sociological concept used to characterize the relationship among music, culture, and identity (p.174).” The cultural components contribute to the way subcultures intersect with dress, which was discussed by Sweet (2005) when he referenced Brake’s (1985, p.12) three parts of subcultural style: Image, demeanor, and argot. Sweet explained the parts when he said, “Image refers to such stylistic elements as clothing and accessories…demeanor is the performed attitude…argot refers to a subculture’s discursive vernacular ‘and how it is delivered’ (p. 243).” Since the 1990s, the definition of ‘subculture’ has been criticized, and therefore has gone through transitions. Bennett (1999) said, “Subculture is now used as a theoretical underpinning, that it has arguably become little more than a convenient ‘catch-all’ term for any aspect of social life in which young people, style and music intersect (p. 599).” He goes on to describe how the structured definitions of the past may now be too rigid for modern culture. Sweet (2005) also addressed this recent change in the way subculture is defined and viewed as he describes the perspective that the multiplicity of post-structuralist and postmodern theories could result in decreased value in subcultural style and loss of specific meaning. This confusion over meaning and the injection of postmodernist perspectives has created a need within subculture scholarship to not only study the group, but also address the individual experience, which is factoring into how the term is defined and applied. Personal narratives, biographies, and more interviews are being encouraged by subcultural researchers to explore individual 32 contributions to group movements. These types of studies look at personal experiences within a culture and evaluate how things shift and change for each person and situation (Sweet, 2005; Wood, 2003). The study of punk dress in the workplace is in line with this call for research. Subculture is a contentious term that has gone through a great number of revisions through perspectives including deviance, oppositional movements, and attempts to use it to describe individuals and their interactions rather than highly structured social formulas. The academic discussions surrounding the use of the word ‘subculture’ could possibly benefit from more inclusion of words from Youth Studies disciplines such as ‘world’ and ‘lifestyle’ (Baizerman, 2008). Both of those terms evoke broader impressions of the complete existence of the subcultural person, and therefore clarify some of the complaints of post-modern and post-structuralist subculture scholars. It is possible some of the issue with hegemony results from the notion of subculture as a youth oriented domain. ‘Youth’ can be a disposition or frame of mind when considering the idea of ‘lifestyle’, and may not be contingent on chronological age. Yet, if a subculture is thought of as rooted in youth, it could affect the perceptions of others when one expresses his subcultural identity through personal aesthetics. Hence, a person expressing punk dress in the workplace may find that coworkers draw inferences from their piercings to their competence levels based on notions of piercings being of the youth world, not of an adult world. previous research on subculture and dress. Hebdige’s 1979 book Subculture: The Meaning of Style is often regarded as the seminal text on the 33 correlation between dress and subculture. Hebdige’s book attempted to evaluate the relationship of subcultural movements, including punk, with their visual identities. He looked at the motivations, context, and background, which created, facilitated, and perpetuated the significance of these styles. The text is known for introducing the idea of racial and ethnic issues into the development of subcultures, which were previously positioned as class-based reactionary movements (Evans, 1997). Hebdige’s Subculture is also known for in depth discussions about the connection of dress and subculture, not as a descriptive tool, but as primary variables. It must not go unmentioned that prior to Hebdige’s book, other texts did address the relationship between dress and subculture. In fact, his text is seen as fourth in a line of books that link style and subculture together for review and analysis. These were all associated with the University of Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (Muggleton, 2002), commonly known as CCCS, whose theories and writings have traveled the arc from inventive, to highly esteemed, to being a point of controversy and critique among subculture researchers. This latter position results from the limitations of this early work, which is now often seen as historically significant but possibly no longer accurate or relevant (Bennett, 1999, 2006; Calluori, 1985; Evans, 1997; Muggleton, 2002; Sweet, 2005). Prior to the CCCS, the beginnings of subcultural study could be found in the 1920-30s, through the naturalistic research at the Chicago School. That led to the 1950-60s behavioral and normative foci, which equated subculture with deviance and criminal behavior (Levine & Stumpf, 1983). This work has had 34 staying power through the decades and still resonates, as can be seen in the various studies of school shootings including the infamous Columbine high school shooters and their black trench coats (Ogle & Eckman, 2002). By the 1960-70s the perspective was changing away from studying subculture as a negative and criminal reactionary group. The new idea was that subcultures resulted as an outcome of complex interactions between power groups. It is then, in the 1970s, that the CCCS produced such writings as Hall and Jefferson’s oft-referenced 1976 book, Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post War Britain, and finally Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style (Baron, 1989; Bennett, 1999). I undertook a critical literature review of journal articles published from 1979 to 2007 that prominently focused on subculture and dress. The year 1979 was chosen as the starting point to determine what research had taken place since the publication of Hebdige’s influential book. This review of articles revealed the dominant themes in the contemporary literature. One such theme was to study a subcultural group in relation to mainstream society and the perceptions and interplay from these interactions. This led to discussions of concepts like stereotyping, labeling, and prejudices, as well as reactions regarding the possible relationships between appearance and crime or deviance. A second theme was to position the subculture in its timeframe context, and describe its existence and relevance as part of a historical narrative. A third theme took the historical or timeframe idea to the next level, and discusses the process of change and growth within a subculture. Many of the articles contained discourse on the reposition or reconceptualization of the meaning of ‘subculture’ 35 itself. These discussions contained ideas about a subculture functioning with multiple meanings, utilizing concepts such as postmodernism and feminist and queer theories. Furthermore, research questions about change often led to discussions of the diffusion, commodification, and appropriation of subculture styles to other people. This topic logically led to discussing the struggle with defining ‘authentic’ subcultural identities. In conjunction with the third theme of change, there was a fourth common type of research question that not only looks at subculture as a group, but also as individuals. These questions often developed from the current concern regarding subculture definitions and boundaries, and these questions position the individual experience as pivotal to understanding the group. Sub-questions were sometimes asked about dress as personal identity and as a part of selfdevelopment, and this led to further sub-questions about life cycles, agency, and self-presentation. The literature review of 1979-2007 also highlighted the perspective of the researcher and how he/she viewed and interpreted the participants. While it is common for researchers to focus on areas they are not initially familiar with, wellselected methods can deliver more thorough results and stave away misinterpretation. There is great vulnerability for flawed data when discussing existing and available subjects using only secondary sources. Consequently, the insider’s view, through methods such as interviews, surveys, or participant observation is hard to replicate with content analysis, literature-based overviews, and critical literature or concept reviews. Those methods can provide objectivity, and serve valuable purposes such as repositioning an argument, such as the 36 definition of ‘subculture,’ but with this topic so devoid of research, its greatest asset at this time would be to increase the amount of first-hand accounts to build a larger, and closer to accurate, body of literature. Certainly a researcher can spin her own interpretation or agenda on first-hand perspectives as well, but the body of literature would at least benefit from having more documented insider perspectives. My research found that a researcher distanced from the subjects had misunderstandings that caused problematic issues such as improper use of terms and language that could be viewed as condescending to the research subjects. Additional problems included slanting the text’s tone toward judgmental or cynical positions with obvious predetermined prejudices, and the general thinness and narrow scope of a piece that centers on attempts to understand one’s own child or students (which multiple articles expressed as a study motivation). One of the most striking findings was that punk was the most prominently featured subcultural group under analysis. Commonly discussed were variations on punk, beginning with its origins in multiple major Western cities and countries, particularly England, where the CCCS was located, through its many incarnations in over a thirty-year lifespan. Punk was the topic in a small number of studies overall, but its higher quantity than other subcultural groups was partly a testament to the high visibility, influence, and resiliency of the subculture. the punk subculture. I have technically left “punk” and “punk dress” undefined for this research as I deemed it appropriate for the participants to come to their own conclusions of what it means to them (see the methodological 37 discussion on this in Chapter 3). However, it is important to discuss some background about punk. Punk is an often-misunderstood subcultural group. From its 1970s origins through its various incarnations in the present day, punk is commonly rooted in individuals who are in some way disenfranchised from the society around them, and are critical of the directions of the art, politics, popular culture, consumerism, sexual and social mores, and the general lifestyle of their times. As such a large, long-lasting, and influential group, it is important to have research coverage to know more about a diverse and highly visible segment of society. Also, specifically in regard to dress studies from a fashion and retail angle, punk is worth studying because it is often a forerunner of trends to be seen on the runway and in the mainstream markets and therefore acts as a style leader. The initial development of punk dress was rooted in being anti-hegemonic, and ironic in nature, using the mainstream’s tools reinvented to critique themselves via bricolage and appropriation (Baron, 1989; Hebdige, 1979; Polhemus, 1994; Rombes, 2006; Szatmary, 1996). Diehl (2007) explained that, “Punk was indeed one of the first moments in pop music where a youth culture movement self-consciously critiqued not just society, but the style of music and art movements within that society,” (p. 10). Many elements of punk dress, such as combat boots, studded belts, and vibrantly dyed hair, have become iconic and stable in popular culture, and yet the symbolism and meanings have grown and changed throughout time (Bennett, 2006). Not all individuals who consider themselves punk share the same perspective on all aspects of the dress. Opinions about punk can widely vary 38 depending on divergent levels of personal commitment, specific time periods when one discovered and embraced punk, and diverse individual experiences (Fox, 1987; Traber, 2008; Wood, 2003). Although precursor historical subcultural groups date back farther, punk effectively started in the 1970s, in many major metropolitan areas, particularly in the U.K. and U.S. as a new and vital way to perform the subcultural ideas with new art, music, dress, and lifestyles. Punk has lived on and transformed in many ways, with branches resulting in varied forms of the aforementioned music, dress, and lifestyle, yet all under the umbrella of punk. While some researchers and participants try to create boundaries or place judgments on what qualifies as punk, it is extremely difficult to quantify and is better served when individuals are allowed to define it for themselves. Due to the fact this is an ever-evolving subculture rooted in a general approach to lifestyle and attitude, punk is an esoteric and amorphous concept. There are signature components, which often accompany punk such as D.I.Y (do it yourself) and a basic anti-authoritarian disposition, yet how those concepts are addressed and implemented is variable, including in dress. Additionally, punk style has developed mainstream appeal and cache while simultaneously maintaining relevance and its original intent as subcultural. Therefore, punk dress is an example of postmodern views on aesthetics. The garments can be dually subversive and/or acceptable, depending on context, viewer, wearer, and intent. Consequently, punk style is an interesting case study in regard to how dress can be used for identity expression in multiple environments. One’s employment situations are especially worthwhile to 39 consider, as negotiation of dress may be necessary for the wearer’s desired outcomes. punk/subcultural identity salience and multiple identities. Individuals within the punk community have always represented diverse backgrounds and perspectives. In addition, many have maintained jobs outside of punk. The combining of varied backgrounds, careers, and punk interests has historically been a component in the complex make up of the punk constituency. Diehl elucidated, “Despite punk’s media image of hooliganism-thanks to the Ramones street gang persona and ironic, taboo-threatening humor that evoked underground comics of the time-the early New York scene was surprisingly diverse,” (2007, p. 10). This diversity that was accepted within the punk subculture was a further representation of the assorted people and ideas that banded together when rallying against the same societal issues. Yet even though this hodgepodge group banded together under some common ideas and ideals, each remains an individual with his own complicated life (Holland, 2004; Traber, 2008). Sweet (2005) offered a methodological solution to refining the definition of subculture and shaping the research. He said, “The narrative approach (to the self for research and learning about subcultures) frees the subcultural subject from the new subculturalist's application of an overarching, archetypical collective identity. As a fluid, self-constituting subject, capable of negotiating and managed fragmented identities, the subcultural member scripts his or her own life story. And although an individual’s subcultural identity may be the most salient in his or her life, his or her discourse also implicates other identities (p. 261).” 40 Workplace and Work Dress The workplace is an important context to examine the thoughtful use of aesthetics and dress as it relates to identity expression. Occupations are not only a crucial part of our social structure, but may also be a vital part of many individuals’ lives by providing income, stability, mental or physical stimulation, and other attributes. Dress is an active part of behavior and form of expression in a work environment. A job or career is something that virtually everyone needs to engage with in some way, and there is great variation. There are high expectations in a workplace for performance, and dress can play a part in how a workplace functions and how workers interact. The workplace is a continually changing environment. The 20th century saw many shifts in workplace context and with each change came differing workplace needs. Clearly, dress for agricultural labor differs greatly from that of the Industrial Revolution’s assembly lines, which varied from the cubicle life that developed throughout corporate America. The era of the Internet and its Information Age brought user-friendly technology to the workplace and has made the actual work environment extremely fluid. Now the context can be almost anywhere through the mobile offices of laptops and iPhones and meetings that take place over Skype. Additionally, there are many types of workplaces with ranging levels of structure and creativity. These include workplaces focused on children and learning, marketing ideas and products, research and production, service industries, and physical labor. Furthermore, the atmosphere of work 41 environments is continually progressing through diversification of workers via various civil rights and liberation movements, such as minorities, women, sexual preference, varied religions, and attitudes toward youth. In the 1960s the advertising world was shaken up as lifestyles were changing. A “Creative Revolution” was developing and with it came clashes between creative workers and account men who interacted with clients. Frank (1997) said, “account men were also believed to be predominately WASPs, wearers of gray flannel, and consumers of the famous ‘three martini lunch’,” (p. 96). The account executives did not like the way the creative workers dressed among other parts of their lifestyle. Yet the creatives expressed that their spirits and abilities were constricted by the account executives out-dated philosophies (Frank, 1997). Frank further discussed how fashion became a large role in men’s lives throughout the 1970s and beyond, and keeping up with fashion trends was seen as modern or even progressive, which reflected on a man’s competence in areas such as understanding new technologies and being able to work with diverse coworkers. However, this eventually became draining on men as the incorporation of fashion trends into the workplace meant a constant game of cultural keep-up and a loss of clarity in roles as the dress standards became flexible. This progressive attitude but resulting confusion is still a part of today’s workplace with the inclusion of more women and minorities as well as ideas such as casual Fridays and business casual. changing dress for changing workplaces. Shifting demographics of the work environment are affecting workplace dress attitudes and behaviors 42 (Pomerenke, 1996). Women have become powerful players in the workplace hierarchy and represent almost half of all workers. This has created high competition for jobs as women came into the workforce with a strong knowledge and interest in polished appearances (Bakewell, 2006; Breazeale, 1994). The increase of minorities in the workplace also diversifies accepted appearances and changes notions about what to wear to work (Skidmore, 1999). With everyone at work caring more about dress, punk styles are increasingly under the microscope for better and worse. More acceptance is true in some cases, and restrictions against the differences are true in other cases (Holland, 2006; Skidmore, 1999). Generally one attempts to enhance a work identity using dress as a tool. In addition to changing demographics within the workplace, there has been an ever-evolving attitude toward levels of formality in dress as well as the specifics of what is appropriate. Business casual and casual Fridays led the way to the completely casual style of the Internet boom companies. However recently there has been a push back toward a more refined appearance as companies are linking dress to business goals and formal attire often is seen as a positive reflection of the worker and the company (Araneta, 2001; Lee, 2003; Lindeman, 2004; Munoz, 2001; Oleck & Prasso, 2001; Podmolik, 2003). work dress and symbolism. The symbolism related to workplace dress is often associated with an array of meanings and how they relate to potential personal and occupational attributes such as professionalism, competence, and friendliness. Often, these crucial characteristics, which are believed to lead to desired outcomes in the workplace, are determined at least in part based on the 43 success of achieving an appropriate appearance (Bakewell, Mitchell, & Rothwell, 2006; Kwon, 1994). However, determining appropriateness in a workplace can be a challenge as it often is fluid and depends on the specifics of the occupational and organizational culture (Dellinger, 2002). Work plays a crucial role in the lives of individuals including how they define themselves and how others judge them. From early researchers such as Form and Stone (1955) through today, researchers’ studies have been finding that workplace dress is highly symbolic and communicative in nature with a great number of meanings attached to it (Araneta, 2001; Bowman & Hooper, 1991; Dellinger, 2002; Lee, 2003; Lindeman, 2004; Munoz, 2001; Oleck & Prasso, 2001; Podmolik, 2003; Rafaeli & Pratt, 1993; Peluchette & Karl, 2006). Numerous researchers have also found that individuals use appropriate dress to enhance their self-perceptions of various occupational attributes (Dellinger, 2002; Kwon, 1994; Peluchette & Karl, 2007). Additionally, researchers focused on contemporary young male workers found that the majority of participants were concerned with how their work identity was being expressed to others and participants directly linked appropriate dress with communicating “specific work-relevant expectations (e.g., professionalism, competence, and creativity) (Kang, Sklar, & Johnson, 2007, p.19).” Furthermore, the participants connected workplace dress to attaining desired outcomes such as promotions and successful client interactions. This finding was consistent with other researchers who also found professional outcomes were linked to the management of workplace dress (Peluchette & Karl, 2006; Rafaeli, Dutton, Harquial, & Mackie-Lewis, 1997; Rucker, Anderson, & 44 Kangas, 1999). Work dress therefore has been linked to both the expression and communication of identity as well as the attempt to manage impressions on others. Weitz (2001) studied women’s haircut and color and related perceptions and impressions. She looked at workplaces and ideas of power. Her findings included the following: for a woman short hair was related to power, aggressiveness, androgyny, and lesbians; long hair was linked to femininity; unusual or unnatural hair colors as well as black women’s hair were viewed as negatively different and sometimes understood as deviant. Therefore acquiring a different hairstyle can symbolically be part of embracing or rejecting a role in the workplace. dress and appropriateness on the job. Finding what is appropriate is the key in a workplace, as appropriate can range from casual to formal dress. Researchers have found that people associate types of dress with behavior and mood, and equate formal business attire with power, authority, rules, and competence and casual workplace attire with being comfortable, friendly, creative, and able to relate to coworkers (Dellinger, 2002; Kwon, 1994). Finding and applying the right dress for a specific work role is a strong part of an employee’s impression management and self-perception, and his or her dressing for that role greatly affects the perceptions of others. To determine appropriate dress for work, often individuals develop various learning strategies and become intuitive about their surroundings. It is common for rules of appropriateness to not be written down, but instead treated as norms, expectations, and standards within the work environment. Therefore, a learning 45 strategy workers adopt is looking to their co-workers dress (Dellinger, 2002, p. 5). A method people use to narrow down appropriateness is to determine the workplace culture including the “occupational culture (the ideologies and norms emerging from the jobs workers do) and organizational culture (the ideologies and norms emerging from the organization where workers do that job) (p. 4).” Occupational culture refers to whether a job has a gender and a type of person attached to it; organizational culture refers to how roles are constructed within one workplace and how people use cues. What constitutes proper dress in the workplace varies, depending upon the type of job, organization, time of year, and to some extent region of the country (Bowman & Hooper, 1991). In Dellinger’s (2002) study of the work environment of two magazine publishers, the employees felt dress was not mandated, but instead they followed a set of norms. As an example, the accountants at the publishers used business formal dress to feel and project a strong work ethic, dedication, and professionalism. Following the norms and developing appropriate dress is motivated by facilitating desired readings by viewers and satisfying personal goals as a worker. Kwon (1994) found that when subjects dressed in what they deemed proper attire for work they reported that they looked more responsible, competent, knowledgeable, professional, honest, reliable, intelligent, trustworthy, hard working, and efficient than when not dressed in proper attire. Furthermore, Kwon (1994) noted how role was directly related to an individual’s self-perception and performance in the workplace: that people feel they performed better when dressed what they called “appropriately.” 46 shifting between groups in workplace dress. Skidmore (1999) studied homosexuals in the workplace and discussed the binary of hetero/homo behaviors and expressions through dress. He found that the line between normative and non-normative behaviors was blurry, and that people shift back and forth between multiple groups with care and consideration. McCloud (1995) also studied people who adjust between two groups with her examination into Muslim women in the United States who wear veils in the workplace. Her case studies and interviews demonstrated the challenges of employees and employers trying to discern a balance in dress between a workplace group identity and a personal identification with a religious group. Traber (2008) more broadly discussed the complications of dressing to align with more than one cultural group as he studied 1980s individuals who fluctuated between the preppy and punk subcultures. This included discussion of how this affected their work lives focusing on unconventionally cut and colored hairstyles associated with punks. Traber argued that an individual moving between groups perhaps lacked wholehearted commitment to either one, yet maintained a highly critical perspective and developed a finely tuned understanding of both groups. Their ability to determine the boundaries of the group and the meanings of those lines created an opportunity for each individual to develop his or her own blended self. Skidmore, McCloud, and Traber all addressed issues of whether a person can maintain clarity in identity in multiple, and possibly competing groups, and how they might try to represent multiple identities through dress. Swanger (2006) further explored this balance by studying managers in 47 hospitality industries regarding interviewees with visible tattoos and body piercings. She found that the majority of her respondents felt that visible body modification “would be viewed negatively by their organization (p. 154).” Swanger referenced a study by Ligos (2001) on a similar topic. Ligos reviewed opinions of over 650 people in that field, finding that they do not approve of piercings and tattoos in the workplace. The idea was that those forms of dress and expression frequently did not fit into the group identity of their company. However, studies such as Kwon’s in the 90s have found that staples in hospitality include comfortable and casual dress, which lead to employee friendliness and success in relating to others. Although in this era it could be difficult to determine whether piercing and tattoos are deemed causal by the average viewer or if they represent different ideas altogether. Swanger points out that more studies are needed to determine how customers of the hospitality industry compared to management feel about piercing and tattoos. studying the workplace wearer instead of the viewer. A running theme of workplace dress scholarship is from the viewers’ or observers’ perspective or is focused on the resulting outcomes from viewer perceptions and judgments. This includes findings that workers are deemed intelligent, hardworking, trustworthy, and with a high level of achievement motivation when wearing formal business attire (Bowman & Hooper, 1991). These may be the opinions of some viewers, but the wearer’s point of view is often neglected or undervalued in discussions of these delicate negotiations. However there is a great need to study the wearer as much as the viewer and learn about their motivations, feelings, choices, and perceptions. 48 Limited research on workplace dress has focused on the wearer’s perspective. However, since the 1980s it appears this area is growing to include studies about worker productivity and mood related to dress (Solomon and Schopler, 1982), and those where workers proclaim they feel most creative or most stifled based on their attire (Dellinger, 2002). Researchers have also looked into employee self-perception with respondents reporting a link between reaching career goals and their attire. These attempts include wearing business formal ensembles, such as suits, to garner respect (Rucker, Anderson, & Kangas, 1999) and donning casual dress, such as jeans, to improve coworker relations (Rafaeli, Dutton, Harquial, & Mackie-Lewis, 1997). Additional researchers have found that workers make attempts to match their dress to their desired goals including moving up the ladder, successful interactions with coworkers, and increasing respect (Rafaeli, Dutton, Harquial, & Mackie-Lewis, 1997; Rucker, Anderson, & Kangas, 1999). work dress conclusions. The commonly repeated catch phrases “dress for success” and “dress for the job you want, not the one you have,” indicate the power people connect to the relationship of dress and the workplace. A workplace is akin to a mini-world and individuals need to find their place within it. Many use dress to show their position and understand others’ placement within the hierarchy, as well as to demonstrate ideas regarding anticipation of attitudes, behaviors, and competencies. Each change in technology, demographic of workers, and shift in workplace styles, brings new perspectives to an environment and part of life that is crucial for much of a society. Therefore, studying dress in the workplace is a 49 valuable line of research to help understand these societal changes, as well as the related productivity and success rates of workplaces and the people, products, and ideas within them. More specifically, there are many aspects of people’s lives competing for their energies, and so how one engages in developing his or her workplace role through dress is often correlated to the salience of their varied identities, including work roles and subcultural interests. Literature Review Summary and Lead In To Methodology The review of literature helped build the foundation of this research by providing the necessary background. It also shaped why I would select certain methodologies, as it became evident through the literature which methods would potentially yield the most in depth, useful, and relevant data to answer the research questions. Chapter 3 will focus on that methodology and discuss the specifics of this research project. 50 Chapter 3: Methodology Introduction The topic for this study stemmed from multiple projects taking place throughout my academic programs. During my Bachelor’s degree I worked on numerous small-scale studies into music-based subcultures and dress, culminating with my senior thesis on the effects of appearance on female music performers’ careers. Throughout my Master’s program I continued to analyze subculture, popular culture, and innovators in 20th century fashion design. Related projects on dress during this time included literature reviews and historical analysis of urban street gangs, skinheads and white supremacists, punk hair color, and designers Rudi Gernreich and Hussein Chalayan. In my Doctoral program I have focused on my specialization in design concepts and subculture/popular culture. I have performed numerous in depth research projects using techniques such as critical literature reviews, participant observation, web surveys, and digital video recording, among others. The topics of these projects have included: the academic literature pertaining to subculture and dress, literature about narrative and arts based research methods, the contemporary craft movement, black colored apparel, the punk band The Ramones and punk fashion designers Tish and Snooky, black leather jackets, young men’s workplace dress, and clothes that evoke punk style being sold at the Mall of America, among others. The aforementioned projects led to the development of the research question for this study: “What are punk individuals’ experiences concerning the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments.” There are 51 multiple layers to the method designed for answering this study’s overall research question and its three sub-questions. The review of literature in Chapter 2, combined with my background knowledge, and previous studies lays an informed foundation to investigate this topic and provides insight into the data for the formation of conclusions. Data Collection Focus Group Pilot Study To begin this study I executed an exploratory pilot study with a focus group to gain more insight into this material in the Spring 2008 semester. A focus group by nature is conversational and benefits from respondents interacting and bouncing ideas off one another, as compared to surveys or individual interviews (Morgan, 1988). A focus group was productive for the goal of identifying general and specific insights into the topic that would become this study, including focusing on significant themes and related concepts and theories. Five individuals, consisting of two females and three males aged 32 - 46 participated in the focus group. All self identified as punk in some manner and were employed in environments that were not necessarily related to their punk lifestyle. Their careers were in city preservation in government offices and on worksites, upscale restaurant waiter, design professor primarily of undergraduates, advertising agency art director, and home business entrepreneur in scrapbooks and art framing who was also recently a youth counselor. The small size, but diverse professional make-up of the group, contributed to thoughtful discussions. The pilot study provided insight into punk dress behavior in the workplace 52 and highlighted the complexities of subcultural individuals in a mainstream situation, as well as the intricacies of dressing for multiple identities. The respondents explained that demographic issues including age, gender, and financial status frame some of their innovative methods of developing what they described as one unified identity, as compared to the option of maintaining two opposing identities, one for work and one for nonwork contexts. They shared that they use their personal aesthetic to manipulate the expression of their single identity for differing contexts. Multiple participants explained that being on a fixed monthly budget restricted their flexible income and allowed for limited clothing purchases. Others discussed the busy life of being a working parent or having numerous daily responsibilities that limited time for changing his or her appearance throughout the day. All respondents expressed that they generally maintain one wardrobe for identity expression, which they dress up or dress down as needed to suit the context. They would change the details of their punk dress for varying degrees of appropriateness, yet maintaining one overall wardrobe and general personal style. Overall, the participants expressed that the more comfortable they were in themselves, their environment, and their opinions, the easier it was for them to blend aspects of their lives together, including being punk and working in a nonpunk environment. Also, the more aspects of life the participants were involved in, and the more responsibilities they have, the greater the necessity to develop consistency in dress. They largely said that this development of a unique personal aesthetic, blended from all of the components of their life leads to 53 individuality. This individuality is cherished more so than relishing any form of group identity. They look to punk for moral codes, political ethics, socialization, and entertainment, but feel the way they express this interest is personal rather than pre-prescribed. This is not to say they do not appreciate, find influence in, or employ typical punk aesthetics. But the variation within their complex and postmodern adult lives forces them to develop styles outside of uniform standards, which may come from any aspect of the life, including punk and/or work. On the whole, the respondents expressed a willingness to be flexible with dress in varied environments as long as they feel their sense of self is not completely masked. They expressed concerns about self-expression and not masking salient aspects of their identity. Respondents indicated their conscious efforts in constructing their identity through dress were partially with concern for the perceptions of viewers. They expressed that they knowingly manipulated dress to benefit themselves or to be clearly understood and interpreted for the goal of reaching desired outcomes. They proclaimed a strong understanding of the implications of dress, possibly because they have been enlightened to the powerful impact of dress throughout their lives, as it is such a fundamental component of the subcultural experience (Traber, 2008). Furthermore, the opinions and ethics developed through their length of time in the punk subculture, and/or the social climate at the time they entered punk, are reflected in how they constructed their identities. Examples included the use of animal products such as leather, as well as fair trade and organically made clothes, as social responsibility became linked to many movements within 54 punk culture. More specific examples relate to the dominating trends when an individual was deeply involved in punk such as metal studded belts, white headbands, Swatch watches with a large “x” on the face representing straight edge, mid-century vintage eye glasses, Dr. Martens 12-hole boots, brightly colored dreadlocks, Converse sneakers, hooded sweatshirts, and skinny jeans. These examples from the focus group relate to literature regarding social and design histories, as public awareness of many forms of nonnormative dress factors into changing workplaces dress norms. In some situations increased mainstream awareness of nonnormative dress has lead to more inclusion and flexibility in the workplace (Holland, 2004; Traber, 2008). In other circumstances negative responses have resulted from fear, distrust, and the desire for uniformity (McCloud, 1995; Skidmore, 1999; Swanger, 2006). Identity and the conscientious use of aesthetics in dress came to the forefront of the pilot study and laid the foundation for this study. Call For Participants and Web Survey to Determine Interviewees Upon the receipt of IRB approval, a call for participants was distributed to an online convenience sample via email through the snowball sampling technique. The initial request for participants was sent to known associates of the researcher, as well as to applicable online locations such as listservs, websites, and blogs that service the punk community. To answer the research questions my goal was to query adult individuals who self identify as punk, and who also described themselves as strategic in their workplace dress because it potentially differs from their punk lifestyle. Typically, individuals in this situation would have different groups of people in their work 55 and nonwork environments, and therefore they would potentially manage their identity expression through their appearance in different ways depending on context. Online Survey The call for participants asked respondents to partake in a brief webbased survey for pre-identification of subjects to determine if an individual would be a good candidate for a long-form interview. The web survey asked basic questions about punk and work experiences, dress behaviors, and demographics to gain perspectives on respondents’ identity expression in the workplace. Questions were conceived to learn more about the specific dress objects, body modifications, and behaviors that the participant associates with punk and with work. Also included were questions aimed to gain information on how those dress choices are learned, performed, and creatively changed situationally for work and nonwork environments. Each question was geared to elicit answers to each of the research questions. Examples of questions to gather information about a participant’s punk experiences were: ‘Would you self identify as Punk and/or identify with the punk subculture?’ and ‘Approximately how many years have you been involved with or associated/identified with the punk subculture?’ Examples of questions to gather information about a participant’s work experiences were: ‘What type of work do you do?’ and ‘Does your workplace have what you would consider “appropriate dress” or an "appropriate appearance" for employees?’ Below are each of the research questions and selected examples from the online survey questions that pertained to them. The entire online survey can be 56 found in the appendix. R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? How much do you use dress (clothing, hair, accessories) as a method of selfexpression of your interest in punk? (Likert scale question from ‘Not at all’ to ‘Very Much’ with box for optional additional comments) R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? Describe something about your appearance that expresses your professional role. R3. What are punk individuals’ experiences in relating their punk dress and workplace dress? How much do you try to look appropriate for the workplace? (Likert scale question from ‘Not at all’ to ‘Very Much’) r3a. How do punk individuals change or shift the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? & r3b. How are specific items of dress re-purposed in different ways for punk and work identities? Are there punk garments or styles of appearance you would wear to work? If yes, 57 list one. The web survey was pilot tested by four individuals and revised. The revisions included grammar, format, and subtle wording changes for increased clarity. After IRB approval of the revisions it was distributed to the public via the Internet. Request For Interviewees The survey data were analyzed, and responses were reviewed to determine qualifying participants for the interview portion of the research. This process will be discussed further in Ch 4-Introduction to Data Analysis. A letter was composed and emailed to the respondents who were selected for interview participation. For Chicago and Detroit the letter was altered to indicate when I would be traveling to those areas. In the same email I included the Interview Informed Consent Form that had been approved by IRB so that participants could read it to help determine whether they desired to participate. This form detailed the study background, risks and benefits, compensation, and contact information of the researcher. Second requests were also sent via email. Interview Preparation I received questions, comments, and interest from some of the respondents who received the letter saying they were requested for an interview. For those who were interested in continuing their participation, the details were generally negotiated through email, and occasionally via phone calls to work out exact meeting times and locations. Prior to my first interview I did a final pilot study of the interview questions 58 with my husband, who had taken the online survey and qualified for the interview but I excluded him due to our relationship. Based on the results of this pilot, I decided to delete most Likert-scales and instead ask the same questions openended. I also deleted questions that were deemed too off-topic and those that appeared in virtually the same form on the online survey. One question was removed from the audio interview and deemed the core question of the video interview. These changes were made for clarity as well as to attempt to stay close to the one-hour time frame that was indicated in the call for participants and approved by IRB. It was also decided that it would be important at the start of each interview to briefly introduce the study and myself by sharing cursory information of my educational background in apparel studies and personal interest in punk and subculture. Furthermore, I would tell each participant the interview format, including explaining the audio/video taping, indicate to them that the questions were pre-written and that I would not be responding to their answers (other than for clarification), and provide them with their $10 iTunes gift card as compensation. Getting all of this accomplished at the start of each interview would most likely eliminate format questions as well as potentially prime the respondent to talk more freely due to their appreciation for my understanding. Interview Details The next step was to interview this selected sample. The interviews were digital audio taped and took place at coffeshops and the participants’ homes. Interviews lasted 1-2 hours. The in-depth interview format provided the opportunity to discuss at length participants’ dress behaviors and to capture 59 pictorial versions of their descriptions through videotaping. The interview consisted of 53 pre-written questions that I asked of each participant. I always asked the questions in the same order and offered no injecting of commentary except requesting clarification when necessary. The questions were geared to gather background information on the participants’ punk and work experiences, including dress behaviors, and to elicit answers to the research questions. Below are the discussion topics/questions with selected examples of the related interview questions. The entire list of interview questions can be found in the Appendix. participant’s punk history and dressing punk. • • • Describe some activities you participate in that you consider punk. Describe a positive experience when you have worn punk dress. Has your punk style changed over the years? workplace environment and dressing for work. • • How important is your current job in defining who you are? Do you personally work with the public and/or clients? If yes how frequently? • Are you making any efforts to adopt the appropriate attire at your work? If so in what way? If not talk about why not. 60 research questions. R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? • Do you have dress items that become punk by the way in which you wear them? • • How would you describe punk dress in general? Now please describe punk dress as you personally have worn it. R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? • • How would you generally describe dress for a workplace? How would you generally describe work dress as you have personally worn it? • What are some specific elements of your work dress? r3a. How do punk individuals change or shift the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? 61 • • Do you try to blend your punk style and your work style of dressing? Do you spend more time preparing for workplace dressing than nonwork dressing? • How would/do you alter your punk appearance for the workplace r3b. How are specific items of dress re-purposed in different ways for punk and work identities? Are there colors, textures, or other physical components of your clothes that are only for punk or only for work environments? (*i.e. leather, fishnet, tweed, khaki, plaid) *examples were read allowed to interviewees for clarity) • Is your wardrobe mostly whole ensembles that you always wear together or is it pieces that you mix and match? • Are there items in your wardrobe you can wear to both punk and work environments? If so discuss them. Interview Video After the question portion of the interview was completed, the participants were asked to describe the punk and work dress items that they had readily available. When making arrangements to interview the participants it was requested that they bring/provide visual examples of their punk dress and work dress. This segment of the interview was video taped. The participants who were interviewed at coffeeshops often wore one ensemble, representing their punk or workplace dress, and changed into or displayed alternate ensembles that 62 represented the other form of dress. Participants who were met in their homes did the same procedure and/or displayed items they pulled from their closets. Two participants who were met at coffeshops wore one ensemble that they felt represented both punk and workplace contexts and therefore did not display additional garments. By having the participants think in advance about what garments they would like to show me, they were somewhat primed for the discussion. The use of video assisted in capturing not only the specific modes of dress, but also the manner in which the participants discussed the dress style. It captured attitude, posture, enthusiasm, hand and facial gestures, and of course the details of the dress objects the participants referred to. Two advantages to using videos are labeled as “density and permanence (Bottorff, 1994, p. 245).” These advantages are said to provide a more thorough wealth of data than the traditional oral interview techniques of note taking or participant observation research, which are both reliant on one researcher who cannot conceivably collect all the data. Videotaping is especially helpful for research projects that are focused on the particulars of storytelling detail when capturing vocal tones, gesture, facial expressions, and environmental factors that may all contribute to the data. The video component of the interviews was useful since dress is a form of nonverbal communication (Eicher, 2000) and personal style has to do with attitude and argot (Brake, 1985). Identity expression through dress is a form of complex storytelling. The participants’ experiences are revealed more thoroughly via the observations of their actual dress objects and witnessing the manner in which they are worn, 63 than had I solely done with the audio interview. This visual representation, in conjunction with their oral descriptions, facilitates a clearer grasp of how the individual perceives the object’s design symbolism. This combination provides useful insight into the participants’ dress behavior and creates an understanding into how singular garments might be used in differing applications and environments to signify varied ideas related to identity expression. Also, the respondents’ data could clarify what kinds of conceptual borders are constructed for the use of garments and how some aesthetic choices may be translated across these boundaries. According to the pilot study participants, some dress behaviors span across categorizations such as work and nonwork and punk and mainstream and this study further investigated that claim. Qualitative Coding of Interview Data After transcription the interview data was coded using TAMS software. Each interview was coded three separate times to correspond with the framework; reviewing once for Form codes, once for Viewer codes, and once for Context related codes. Codes were conceived as I would read an interview, and then prescribed to any data pertaining to that code. When an interview was completely coded, if new codes were created in the process, I would then go back to previously completed interviews and insert the new codes as needed. Therefore all interviews included the same potential codes. Each code represented one idea in the text. An example code could be “distressed clothes.” There is a notes section within each code’s input page to indicate concepts such as synonyms. The notes for “distressed clothes” may include “tattered, worn in, beat up, frayed” or other phrases from the data that 64 would logically fall under the general idea of the code. A code could also be part of a family of codes. An example would be a black t-shirt, which may be coded color>black and shirt>t-shirt. The software embeds the codes into the transcribed text. It enabled me to search the coded transcriptions for quantitative data such as code frequencies. An example would be how many times the code “t-shirts” was used. In addition to providing me with a numeric response about how many times that code was used, the program would also highlight all quotes pertaining to “t-shirts.” This tool was vastly helpful to organize the large amount of interview data, and to sort through the three framework categories of form, viewer, and context. Since it mostly served my purposes for organization, and was completely manual in code creation, application, and code analysis, it did not do any significant evaluation for the researcher. It basically functions as a helpful tool to sort the data into smaller bite-sized groups, such as color>black and then I can look at all the participants who discussed the color black and its context, and then compare that information with any visuals or literature data. I then drew my own conclusions about what it means to a punk/worker to wear the color black. Punk Dress Undefined For This Research For this study I accepted participation from those individuals who express an interest and connection to their perception of the ideas of punk, and its related subcultures, without holding them to strict guidelines of a preconceived definition. Although punk is often perceived as a unified subculture from the outside, and there are many communal aspects including iconic forms of dress, it is actually broad-based and deeply personal, thus varying the exact nature of how a 65 participant might define punk style and explain their related dress behaviors. The punk subculture has developed blurred boundaries over its three decades of existence. Also, postmodernism and globalization have contributed to the expansion of music, youth, and anti-hegemonic oriented subcultures in recent years, and have created increased flexibility regarding the number of subcultures one might participate in, as well as the level of active participation needed for one to express an interest or feel involved. An individual formerly had to demonstrate a strong commitment to be involved in subcultures such as punk. Growing a community and knowledgebuilding took place only at in-person events such as bands’ shows, which could be hours or even time zones away. Thus it was not uncommon for people to invest in only one subculture and those directly related to it, and even within that subculture splinter groups would form for people with specific interests. Although at high schools and similar forced groupings people of varied subcultural tastes would gather together because overall they were perhaps more like-minded than that of their other high school peers. But, within subculture it was not uncommon for people to find their preferred group, and remain closely tied to them, including styles of personal aesthetic. This is because of how much investment it took to find people who were on their same wavelength and to learn the cues to express themselves in a desired way. Until recently, the dress objects related to the all of the divergent splinter subgroups within punk were tough to come by, and were often only available for purchase at events or at small boutiques in college towns or major metropolitan areas. The current widespread availability of formerly hard-to-find clothes and 66 subcultural imagery promotes increased visual experimentation and the ability of individuals to more readily blend styles. Now, through the Internet and the increased number of shopping centers across the United States, individuals are able to dabble in numerous subcultures, networking with people from around the globe, and learning about clothing trends, artistic styles, political movements, and musical directions. Contemporary exploration and involvement in subculture does not take as much investment of time, money, or energy as it did in previous generations who had fewer readily available resources. Therefore, it is a challenge to specifically define the contemporary subculture of punk, and its related dress styles. It has morphed repeatedly as a culture and individual experiences can vary greatly. Consequently, this study could not measure an individual’s level of punk-ness, or their interpretation of punk dress. I had to simply take their proclamation that they self-identity as punk and their descriptions of punk dress as valid. Narrative and Arts Based Research To achieve the goals of this study, fairly traditional qualitative approaches are used but are enhanced by the influence of some narrative and arts based research methods. After completing a literature review regarding the topic of narrative and arts based research methods, this researcher would argue that dress scholarship could be improved by the increased inclusion of these relatively new techniques. A methodology inspired by arts based research methods and the narrative approach (Barone & Eisner, 2006; Finely, 2003; Lawrence-Lightfoot & Hoffman Davis, 1997; Sullivan 2005) is useful for the highly personalized contemporary experience with punk and workplace dress. These 67 methods allow the individual story to blossom, as well as openly incorporate researcher knowledge and perspectives into data collection, analysis, and dissemination. These techniques may heighten the researcher’s potential in obtaining the essence of the wearers’ experiences. Sullivan (2005) said, “Within educational settings a trend to emerge in recent years is a similar attempt to expand the domain of inquiry this time to more adequately accommodate discipline interest in the arts. Loosely labeled arts based research, those advancing this view call for a broadening of research practices that can take advantage of the way the arts offer unique insight into human knowing and understanding,” (p. xvi). Barone & Eisner, (2006) define, discuss, and justify the “umbrella concept,” (p. 99) of arts based educational research (ABER) “for the betterment of educational policy and practice,” (p. 96). Their writing goes through explanations of the design elements, format and language used in order to “create a virtual world for the reader to inhabit vicariously,” (p. 98). For this study, arts based and narrative research methods were not developed to their full potential, but instead the techniques were utilized as inspiration to expand the options within a standard research format within the study of dress. The push beyond the standard boundaries within dress studies includes two concepts. The first is the combining of oral and visual data in the data collection, data analysis, and results presentation. The second is incorporating reflexivity and transparency in researcher bias at the interviews as well as in the data analysis and written results as well as in subsequent presentations. These techniques work alongside traditional qualitative research 68 methods in order to enhance and/or expand the possibilities for learning about the chosen subject matter, and increase accuracy in understanding and representing data and ideas. Due to the standard practices within the field of dress studies, a project such as a dissertation is best served using arts based and narrative methods as inspiration rather than as a method in and of themselves. However, the nature of the data I collected at the interviews provides the option to further develop this study into an artistic endeavor at a later date, in the form of a visual arts project using the videos or written text highlighting the anecdotes of the participants shaped in a storytelling format. The Need For Narrative and Visual Research Within Dress Studies In the academic study of dress and design, the bulk of the research does not employ visual or narrative techniques, even though the core topic under scrutiny is strongly visual in nature and highly subjective. The academic study of dress is typically performed using traditional research methods. These include the qualitative approaches of ethnography, phenomenology, interviews, and surveys that generally record oral or written data from individuals or groups about their experiences with dress. Researchers also generate data from experiments, which frequently are designed to measure taste, behavior, or perspectives about styles. Quantitative studies are also frequently used in the study of dress and their coded and statistically measured evaluations are particularly common in areas such as retailing, marketing, trends, and consumption patterns. There are some visually oriented methods that are practical for dress scholarship, although, they are somewhat less common techniques in academia. Content analysis is sometimes used for historical, global, or media studies which 69 would be difficult to perform another way due to the volume of material or inaccessibility. Material culture is popular among anthropologists and a small group of dress researchers, however, it is one of the fundamental skills utilized by museum professionals and others working with historic costume collections to understand the items they are investigating. Completed academic dress research commonly channels through the scholarly presentation circuit, via oral talks, panel discussions, and poster presentations, and then is often reconstructed into a journal article or occasionally further developed into a book. The emphasis on brief, text-oriented, and printed journal articles in the discipline of dress scholarship limits the nature and number of images one can use to present findings and conclusions. This most likely impacts how much visual data are gathered from the data collection stage. All of these techniques have been useful routes to delve into the relationship of dress and humanity; however, it is striking how seldom visual techniques are used for collecting and representing the data. It is not uncommon that dress studies heavily focused on visual aspects, such as those discussing aesthetic trends, or cultural or historical differences in particular styles, generally rely solely on words to collect and express findings. One argument for the lacking visuals is that dress researchers are studying emotion, opinion, perspective, and socio-cultural factors, and that the physicality of the object is simply a vehicle through which these issues manifest themselves, and is not crucial to understand the overall concepts of the study. This is sometimes the perspective of those from anthropological, sociological, 70 and related scholastic backgrounds. Another reason is that historically the academic roots of dress studies primarily traces back through human ecology and home economics and their agricultural lineage, and were followed by business-oriented studies, with both directions commonly following the scientific method and revering text-based academic journals to disseminate results. Thus a great deal of scholarship about dress often leans toward quantifiable or clearly seen methods of evaluation. Regarding narrative approaches, the popularity of quantitative methodologies also impacts the use of narrative techniques and research that is transparent with researcher bias. Therefore, the material often stays very true to the exact content of the data, and rarely strays into the realm of “fictionalizing” or “quasi-storytelling,” (Barone, 2001), or even allowing for the researcher’s perspective to acknowledge how it may color the work, regardless of whether that influence is with benefits, such as when the researcher is an insider to study topic. The inclusion of increased narrative and visual techniques could improve dress studies. Fischman (2001) points out how the inclusion of visual studies seems crucial because in contemporary culture “images have become an omnipresent and overpowering means of circulating signs, symbols and information,” (p. 29). He weighs the positive and negatives of the technique of using visuals to record data, and how one might interpret or code the material in a multitude of ways. When appropriate, a written piece could be better understood if there are images to accompany it, and at times, collecting visual data in addition to, or instead of, written or oral data could lead to increased 71 accuracy (Bottorff, 1994; Pink, 2007). Pink (2007) addresses many of the introductory concepts of arts-based research from interdisciplinary perspectives, using written words, photography, and media that is commonly available, including modern technologies, such as digital video tape. Pink’s goal is to position visual and written material as equals, and argues that although visuals should not replace words, they should not be seen as inferior for research purposes. She discusses the complexities and value in photographic research, and thoughtfully combining text and visuals, taking into consideration the context of not only the image, but also of the production of the image. Pink (2007) also positions ethnography as a complex method which is not solely a collecting technique to gather data, but more so a route to create and represent knowledge. Therefore, she notes how the reflexive approach in studies acknowledges the centrality of the researcher. Many advocates of narrative and arts based research, as well as a great deal of modern literature on qualitative methods indicate the benefits of reflexivity in research data collection and dissemination techniques (Finely, 2003; Pink, 2007; Sullivan, 2005). Dissemination, the Narrative Approach, and Researcher Bias Disseminating the results of studies may be effective through many mediums in addition to or beyond written journal articles. Museum exhibitions, documentary films, websites and blogs, and the actual construction of garments could represent results in stimulating and engaging ways a text-only may not be able to accomplish (Eisner, 1997; Finley, 2003; Sullivan, 2005). Some forms of the narrative approach follow in this line of dissemination, through incorporating a 72 high level of extra insight provided by the researcher to make the subject “flow.” I lightly employ a form of the narrative approach to make the interview data more understandable and engaging. I do not intend to go so far as to utilize the narrative form of a “quasi-storytelling approach” or “fictionalization” (Barone, 2001; Lawrence-Lightfoot & Hoffman Davis, 1997), but through carefully condensing, conflating, and combining respondent experiences into conceptual themes, occasionally sharing my own stories when appropriate, and selectively filling in any interview blanks based on my knowledge, I can best express what I observed and to make it thorough research and possibly even entertaining for the reader (Barone, 2001; Lawrence-Lightfoot & Hoffman Davis, 1997). Researcher biases may be subtly transparent through this light adaptation of the narrative method, and it affords me the opportunity to be reflexive about my own investment and interpretations in the experience of this research project. This benefits the research outcomes. This technique is employed to embrace openness about providing different perspectives, including not just the wearer, but also the viewer (researcher) in the analysis of the dress, and more explicitly expressing the position of the researcher. Granted, the goal of this research is to let the wearer speak for him or herself, as a great number of research projects are from the researcher’s interpretive point of view only. However, while some would declare the researcher’s perspective should not embody the work, others would pronounce that a researcher’s perspective is always present in some manner, and this method is an upfront and truthful representation of the research (Finley, 2003). As the researcher I must acknowledge experiential biases based on my 73 own experiences with punk culture and with a variety of workplaces, and be aware of how they impact this study. Researcher bias is not necessarily a negative, if recognized, but instead can serve as a further route to knowledge. I understand the specifics of the designs within the dress, as well as am able to understand the vernacular slang and jargon, which the participants refer to from both the punk and workplace perspectives. Additionally, with subcultural participants it is valuable that I have an “in” that an outsider researcher may not. Yet as a scholar of dress, design, and social theories, I am also able to step back and pull it all together to answer the research questions. I am aware that my bias provides a need to be clear and explanatory as the intricacies and details of workplace dress and punk dress may be clear and evident to me based on my insider knowledge but not as crystallized to the reader of the text and viewer of the images. Therefore, I made every effort to carefully utilize my bias and be transparent about it in an effort to not make assumptions about the participants. I encouraged the participants to provide the highest level of intelligibility about their aesthetics and their symbolic objectives. However, again, using the narrative method, I added the benefits of my prior knowledge to be able to fill in any blanks or provide clarity when a participant may have been vague or used slang. Another instance where the narrative method is employed is to combine related ideas under umbrella concepts. Thus the end result represents the wearer’s point of view, but acknowledges, and uses to the potential benefit of the work, the researcher’s point of view as well. 74 Continuing to Data Analysis Upon completion of gathering data, the audio and visual material was compared with the literature review, and my personal background knowledge and experiences to look into the participants’ apparel-body-construct (DeLong, 1998) regarding punk dress and workplace dress. To answer each of the research questions, responses were evaluated to determine dominant themes including indications of appearance labor. Demographic details, including those pertaining to the respondents’ occupations, were reviewed to evaluate a potential contribution to identity expression through their punk dress and workplace dress. The findings are shaped using the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998). Through the interviews and corresponding images, the results showed these individuals’ aesthetic response for dealing with identity expression. Chapter 4 will specifically address the results of the web survey and process for securing interviewees. It will detail the participants’ answers to survey questions concerning their work history, punk history, and related dress behaviors as well as demographics. The interviewees will be introduced in Chapter 4 and the data from the interviews will be presented in subsequent Chapters. 75 Chapter 4: Introduction to Data Analysis Introduction Upon completion of gathering data, the audio and visual material was compared with the literature review and my personal knowledge of punk in order to look into the participants’ apparel-body-construct (DeLong, 1998). To answer each of the research questions, responses were evaluated to determine dominant themes including indications of appearance labor, which was predetermined to be a potential theme. These themes were determined based on repetition used in the responses by the participants, such as frequent use of the same words across interviewees. The findings were then shaped using the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998). Through the surveys, interviews, and interviewees’ corresponding visual representations, the results show these individuals’ aesthetic response for dealing with aesthetic expression of identity. There was a large volume of data and consequently for this paper data analysis is broken into multiple chapters for clarity. Chapter 4 provides an introduction to the data analysis including the results of the initial online survey and a focused look at the 20 interviewees’ responses to that questionnaire. This chapter solely highlights survey data and does not evaluate the interviews. Interview data is presented in upcoming chapters. Chapter 4 provides basic foundational information on the demographics and preferences of the participants and a broad-strokes look at punk dress in the workplace. Therefore it most pointedly begins answering the overarching question: What are punk individuals’ experiences concerning the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? 76 Additionally, Chapter 4 touches on answers to the five sub-research questions, which are thoroughly explored through subsequent chapters. Chapters 5-8 will focus on the data analysis of the interviews, and I present the emergent themes and then illustrate them with responses that seemed to best to express each point. Data Collection The call for participants generated 208 respondents to take the online survey between 4/3/2009 - 8/28/2009 (researcher test surveys were removed from the total and from data analysis). 20 individuals from the online participant group were selected as a sample for in-depth, in-person interviews. This smaller group of both men and women was chosen based on their responses to the online survey as compared to criteria that were established to determine the most suitable participants. A letter was composed and emailed to the respondents who took the online survey and provided contact information. This letter thanked them for their participation, let them know I was reviewing the data for qualified participants, and indicated that some of them were to be contacted again if they are selected for an interview. Of the 208 total, 84 respondents did not include contact information and therefore were automatically disqualified for the interview portion due to my inability to reach them for an interview. Multiple attempts were made via email and phone to contact qualified individuals to request interviews. This generated 15 participants who completed the interview process. After the response rate dropped, and no further interviews could be set up with individuals who had taken the survey, an additional four participants were suggested to the researcher and contacted initially by third 77 parties (sometimes by previous participants as they often were the ones doing the suggesting) and then I was able to make contact with them. I made no contact with these new individuals until they gave approval through the third party. The twentieth interviewee I personally called upon requesting to participate because I knew of his qualifying characteristics. Those five participants who had not initially participated in the online survey did all complete the questionnaire, creating a database of the same material for all 20 interviewees, and therefore the entire online survey response group. Basic Qualifications For Interviewees Basic qualifications for an interview were established prior to distributing the call for participants for the online survey. These qualifications included: participants’ self-identity as punk, their age is over 18 years old, they live in the Midwestern United States (location of the researcher), and they do not wear a strictly prescribed uniform in the workplace. However, the use of a generalized dress code in the workplace would not disqualify the participant. Furthermore, qualifying participants would have established a permanent presence in the working world where their work serves as a significant component of their life. This was determined by those who responded that they work full time and not as students. Two exceptions were made based on my knowledge of potential interviewees’ background and their value to the overall data collection. One individual responded “no” regarding working full time, but informed me via email that he was recently dismissed from his employment for reasons based on his punk dress, which is highly relevant to this study. A second individual responded 78 “no” regarding self-identifying as punk, however all of his other responses indicated he did qualify in every way, including as punk, and I know this individual personally and know he is not one to readily label himself “punk” but does participant in punk activities. Upon discussion with him he agreed that he did in fact identify with punk and qualified for the goals of this study. Detailed Qualifications for Interviewees In addition to the basic qualifications listed above, further detailed qualifiers were established prior to the public call for participants. Preferable candidates for the in-depth interviews would have answered the survey questions with enthusiasm for punk dress, as well as expressed a thoughtful approach to their overall dress practices, and indicate the ability to articulate themselves thoroughly in an interview. These qualifiers could be partially foreseen based on an individual’s responses in the “comments” section of multiple survey questions, as well as how they answered the Likert-style questions. If a respondent met the basic qualifications, but was lacking in detailed comments, and indicated limited interest in dress, they were not automatically excluded. Instead, they were put into a second-choice group and were contacted when my some of my first-choice participants were not available or did not respond. Since the intention of this project was to do in-depth interviews with 20 individuals, when the online survey participation reached over 200 respondents, more than 10 times the total interviewees needed, I deemed this a reasonable point to suspend further survey data collection and review the potential interviewees’ responses. The list of potential qualifying participants was further reduced based on an indication of appearance labor which was deemed 79 important prior to reviewing the data, and geography and age bracket, which were decided on as qualifiers after reviewing the data. Geography Categorization The call for participants requested individuals who live in the Midwestern United States, which would be a convenient locale for me to travel throughout for interviews. The largest numbers of respondents were located in and around Minneapolis/St. Paul, MN, Detroit, MI, and Chicago, IL, and therefore the list was reduced to participants in those three major metropolitan areas. There were some survey participants who indicated that they live in other locations. However, interviewing groups of participants from geographic areas, rather than individuals who live in cities isolated from other participants, created the potential to see if geographic area factored into multiple participants’ responses, as well as eased my travel schedule. Age Categorization The online survey asked for demographic information including primarily 10-year age brackets ranging from “under 18”, to “65+”. For this study I decided to limit the qualifying participants to two age brackets: 26-35 and 36-45. This decision was made for three reasons. First, the overwhelming majority of survey respondents fell into these two age brackets. Even though it is not a quantitative study, conclusions could be more accurately drawn if the participants were fairly evenly split among ages. But, it would not be possible to split the age brackets evenly without reducing my study number drastically, as the lowest and highest age brackets had very few respondents. Therefore, it seemed best to attempt to drawn comparisons from among the two age brackets with the dominant number 80 of respondents. Second, it could be assumed that individuals age 26-45 are in the heart of their working life. Most likely they have completed the bulk of their education and have chosen a profession to pursue. During this age period it is plausible that they are shifting from the initial phase to the mid-portion of their career. They are upwardly mobile and still establishing their reputations, although not yet at the top of their field, and not nearing retirement age. During ages 26 - 45 they are also probably balancing concepts such as starting families, managing their finances in an adult manner, and figuring out the place for their hobbies and personal interests. Thus, they are conceivably concerned with personal aesthetic choices in the workplace and how it relates to their identity expression. The third and final reason to reduce the interviewee selection to two age brackets is to narrow in on a perspective of punk. Since punk has existed for over thirty years with wide variation, it makes sense to attempt to reign in the candidates to those who may share influences and whose references may be similar. While the specifics of their punk experiences and tastes may vary, their knowledge base regarding clothing trends, bands, and influential political and art movements are interrelated, thus providing for better comparisons and increasing my ability to draw reliable conclusions. Evidence of Appearance Labor The pilot focus group, the literature review, and my own background indicated that appearance labor might factor into the dress behaviors of people who self-identify as punk and work in a context that is unrelated to that subculture. To investigate potential experiences with appearance labor, 81 responses to the online survey were reviewed for cues to which respondents do not experience appearance labor and would not qualify for the interview. One cue was working entirely alone from a home office. That respondent does not have a public workplace and would not have to go through the same negotiation process regarding their dress behavior as individuals who are employed in a workplace context outside of their home. Another cue was answering “a little”, “not at all”, or “neutral”, to the Likert-style questions about interest in dress and use of dress for expression of punk or work identities. A similar cue was not filling in any optional comments, or including only brief comments indicating they had no concerns about their appearance in work or nonwork contexts. One example of this was when asked about whether dress as a representation of his/her identity, one respondent checked the box “a little” and wrote the comment, “At my job? No. I'm here to do work. Not be a peacock.” However, it turned out that only a small number of participants answered the questions in these manners, as most indicated some signs of appearance labor. There were a limited number who answered the questions about dress interests in a mixed fashion. Some answered the Likert-style questions filling in “a little” for some questions and “quite a bit” for other questions. Others responding in a mixed fashion answering some Likert-style questions indicating little interest in dress, but in the optional comments sections they would elaborate on their particular situations and dress behaviors, indicating that they most likely do experience some appearance labor. An example of this mixed response was when asked about dress as an expression of punk, one respondent checked the box “a little” but wrote the 82 comment, “Not enough at work. Usually wait to get home and change into something I'm comfortable in.” Another example is how one respondent answered the question about dress as an expression of work role. The individual checked the box for “a little” but wrote, “Being a secretary, it's fun to play up that role sometimes, but usually I feel stifled from doing with my hair or clothing what I would really like to do or wear.” Overall, only a few participants were disqualified for the interview based on the appearance labor categorization, as seemingly most respondents experience appearance labor on some level. After reviewing the survey data for all of the basic and detailed qualifications, I sent out the call for participants to solicit 20 suitable individuals for interviews. Online Survey Data For All Participants Qualifications The following data consists of results from the entire group of online survey participants. This information was the groundwork to choose my interviewees. I first selected those who work full time, said they self-identified as punk, live in and around Minneapolis, Detroit, and Chicago, were aged 26-45, and provided contact information. Their responses to the Likert scales and optional comments helped determine their interest level in dress and whether they experience appearance labor, which virtually all do. The online survey also asked questions that are not discussed in Chapter 4 as those questions generated supplemental data that was not used for the action of selecting interview participants. The following tables reflect data regarding the qualifications for becoming an interviewee from the 208 surveys taken between 83 4/3/2009 - 8/28/2009. Table 1 Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Basic Qualifications Respondents… Employed Full Time Self-Identify As Punk and/or Identify With the Punk Subculture Required To Wear a Uniform in the Workplace Provided Functional Contact Information Yes 140 144 18 115 No 31 20 139 84 No Response 37 44 51 N/A Totals 208 208 208 208 Table 2 Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Geography Respondents’ Geographic Area Minneapolis/St. Paul Chicago Metro Detroit Other locations No Response Total Number of Respondents 42 25 33 14 94 208 84 Table 3 Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Age Bracket Respondents’ Age Bracket 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 55+ No Response Total Number of Respondents 9 68 28 9 0 94 208 Careers After completing the review for the primary qualifications, I chose to review the data to look at participants’ careers. 163 of 208 respondents answered the survey question “What kind of work do you do?” The remaining 45 participants did not answer that question. The resulting occupations have been divided into general categories I created for ease of reading. Some of the participants’ responses regarding their occupation could fit into multiple categories, so I selected the category I felt the answer best fit into. Other participants’ responses contained multiple occupations, and so I placed them in only one category and did so based on their first response listed, presuming that the first listed is their most dominant job. An example would be “Psychotherapy, Research and Teaching In Academia,” which was placed in the Psychology/Social Work/Nonprofits/Outreach category. 85 The categorization of occupations is not for statistical purposes, but is simply to see the variety of careers and workplace environments. This categorization also provides the opportunity to look for emerging trends in the data including whether there might be a link between career choice and identifying with punk. It must be acknowledged that the call for participants was circulated online and the survey was web-based as well, creating the possibility that the occupations are skewed toward those who have access to computers and/or comfort with the Internet. Below is Table 4 with an overview of all career categories and the number of participants within each. Data representing every respondent’s specific career within each career category can be found in the appendix. 86 Table 4 Survey Questions Used to Determine Suitable Interviewees - Career Categories Respondents’ Category of Employment Business Education & Childcare Art and Design Computers/Information Technology/Programming Customer Service/Retail/Food Service/Hospitality/Sales Law Automotive/Engineering/Technical/Trade Entertainment & Media Government Health/Fitness/Beauty Medical/Police/Fire Psychology/Social Work/Nonprofits/Outreach Science Other No Response Total Number of Respondents 28 28 22 16 14 14 9 9 7 4 4 3 3 3 44 208 Online Survey Data Specifically From the Interviewees The following data reflects the survey responses from the 20 participants who went on to be the interviewees. This data is included in the previous tables but has been isolated in the following tables to highlight it. Although much of this 87 data indicates they met the qualifications to become an interviewee, as discussed above, some exceptions were made based on knowledge about the candidate and/or their responses in the optional “comments” section aligned with a question. The tables include the questions’ topics and responses regarding their involvement with both punk and work that were relevant to selecting them as interviewees. Tables 5 and 6 give the basic demographic information for the interviewees. Table 5 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Geography Interviewees’ Geographic Area Minneapolis/St. Paul Chicago Metro Detroit Total Number of Interviewees 9 5 6 20 Table 6 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Age Bracket Interviewees’ Age Bracket 26-35 36-45 Total Number of Interviewees 15 5 20 88 Table 7 places the interviewees’ type of work within one of the general categories and indicates how many interviewees were in each employment category. Table 7 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Career Categories Interviewees’ Category of Employment Business Education & Childcare Customer Service/Retail/Food Service/Hospitality/Sales Law Government Psychology/Social Work/Nonprofits/Outreach Art and Design Computers/Information Technology/Programming Total Number of Interviewees 6 5 2 2 2 1 1 1 20 Additionally, below in List 1 are the exact professions of each of the 20 interviewees as indicated on his/her online survey. I have left the phrasing as they wrote it. List 1 - Interviewees’ professions • • • • Accounts Payable For a Law Firm Administrative Administrative Support Art & Computers Teacher (K-8) 89 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Art Director Art Teacher Attorney Clerical - Also Part-Time Photojournalist Computer Work For An Insurance Company Corporate Finance Education Education On Traumatic Brain Injury For The Govt Grocery Stocking, Checking Products In, Customer Service High School English Teacher Historic Preservation Lawyer Project Management and Business Analysis Consulting Psychotherapy, Research and Teaching In Academia Sales Teacher The following tables delve into their punk and work lives. Tables 8 and 9 provide basic data about punk and work including some dress information and how many interviewees fell into each answer. 90 Table 8 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Basic Qualifications Interviewees… Employed Full Time Self-Identify As Punk and/or Identify With the Punk Subculture Required To Wear a Uniform in the Workplace Workplace Has Established Dress Code Workplace Has “Appropriate Appearance” Yes 19 19 0 15 18 No 1 1 20 5 2 Totals 20 20 20 20 20 Table 9 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Years Invested Interviewees… Years 1-5 Years Involved with Punk Years at Work Position 1 15 6-10 0 3 11-19 10 2 20+ 8 0 No Response 1 0 Totals 20 20 Tables 10 and 11 start to dive into what the interviewees’ opinions are regarding their demographics and basic work/punk statistics. Table 10 looks at whether there are punk dress styles they would or would not wear to work. Table 11 utilizes the Likert-scale concept to ascertain interviewees’ interest level in dress and perspectives on dress and punk and/or work identities. The numbers in each category are how many interviewees answered each question that way. 91 Table 10 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Punk Styles at Work Interviewees… Have Punk Style They Would Not Wear to Work But Would Wear Otherwise Have Punk Style They Would Wear to Work Yes 20 16 No 0 4 Totals 20 20 Table 11 Survey Data Specifically From Interviewees - Dress and Expression Interviewees… Feel Dress Is SelfExpression Of Your Identity Use Dress For SelfExpression Of Punk Use Dress For SelfExpression Of Work Role Try To Look Appropriate For The Workplace Very Much 7 1 2 6 Regularly/ Quite a Bit 11 10 5 12 Neutral/ No Opinion 0 0 3 0 A Little 2 8 7 2 Not At All 0 1 3 0 Totals 20 20 20 20 Summary of Findings For Interviewees The survey data about the interviewees generates foundational conclusions. All 20 interviewees self-identify as punk, or associate with the punk subculture, with the one exception that was previously discussed who does identify with punk but just did not label himself as such on his survey. Based on the ages reported and the length of time involved with punk, the 20 interviewees 92 generally have been involved with punk since their adolescence or early adulthood. Through their Likert-scale responses, their optional comments, and their continued willingness to identify themselves with punk, they clearly still feel involved with the subculture in some way. The 20 interviewees all are employed full time with the one exception previously discussed who indicated in his survey comments and via further conversation that he had recently been let go from his place of full time employment due to his punk dress. The rest of the interviewees represented nine of the thirteen occupational categories from the entire survey population (excluding “other”). Although none of the 20 interviewees represented the Entertainment & Media category as their first listed job, this category was represented because one interviewee is a part-time entertainment photojournalist and spoke of it a great deal in her interview. Also, multiple interviewees are in bands in their free time. Other occupational categories from the larger group of all the survey respondents could be seen as represented by these 20 individuals because some of the careers overlap and could have been cross-categorized. “Psychotherapy” could cross with the Medical category, “Education On Traumatic Brain Injury For The Govt” could cross over as Education, Government, or Medical categories, and the grocery employee specifically works at a community organic health-food coop, so this could cross with the Health and Fitness category. Therefore the majority of the occupational categories found in the 208 survey respondents were in some way represented in this group of 20 interviewees. Also, career categories that had the largest numbers of respondents to the online survey were the some of the largest represented by the 93 interviewees including Education, Business, and Law. Further information deciphered about the interviewees was that based on their reported length of time at their job. The interviewees are new to mid-career in their professions, as to be expected by their age group of 26-45. They have been in their occupational position for fewer years than their involvement to punk. None of the 20 wear uniforms, but the overwhelming majority explained workplace dress codes, or at least perceptions of an appropriate appearance as necessary for work. Through their responses it could be determined that they do feel dress is an expression of identity, although they do have mixed responses on how strongly. A greater number of interviewees use dress to express punk than use dress to express their workplace role. However, the majority responded that they do try to look appropriate for work and that there are some punk garments they would and would not wear to work. Hence, this is the root dilemma of these participants’ experiences with appearance labor. Meet the Interviewees Figure 1 is a photo of each interviewee with his/her city, age bracket, and type of work as described on his/her online survey. All gave consent to have their image, their name, demographic information, and survey and interview responses used in conjunction. The exception was Stacey who stipulated that her face not be shown but otherwise granted full permission. 94 Figure 1 Interview Participants Alex Art Director Detroit 26-35 Audra Corporate Finance Detroit 26-35 Ben Education Minneapolis/St. Paul 26-35 Brian Sales Minneapolis/St. Paul 26-35 95 Chrissy Historic Preservation Minneapolis/St. Paul 36-45 Danielle Art Teacher Detroit 26-35 Denise Psychotherapy, Research And Teaching In Academia Chicago 36-45 Jonathan Lawyer Detroit 26-35 96 Kathy A. Accounts Payable For A Law Firm Chicago 26-35 Kathy E. Clerical - Also Part-Time Photojournalist Minneapolis/St. Paul 36-45 Katie Education On Traumatic Brain Injury For The Government Minneapolis/St. Paul 26-35 Marla Teacher Chicago 26-35 97 Matt Attorney Chicago 26-35 Nate Grocery Stocking, Checking Products In, Customer Service Minneapolis/St. Paul 26-35 Nora High School English Teacher Chicago 26-35 Rachel Art & Computers Teacher (K-8) Detroit 26-35 98 Sean Computer Work For An Insurance Company Minneapolis/St. Paul 36-45 Stacey Administrative Detroit 26-35 Tara Project Management and Business Analysis Consulting Minneapolis/St. Paul 26-35 Zhac Administrative Support Minneapolis/St. Paul 36-45 99 Continuation To Further Data Analysis Chapter 5 will discuss general ideas about punk dress as well as highlight individual punk dress behaviors. It will include relevant brief history concepts regarding punk dress to better understand participants’ viewpoints and behaviors. Chapter 5 lays the foundation of how punk dress is interpreted by the participants, which is necessary to then understand their relationship of punk dress to workplace dress. It most specifically works on answering R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? 100 Chapter 5: Data Analysis - Punk Dress Past and Present Introduction Since this research has to do with punk dress and the workplace, and the sample population is all self-identified punks, it is important to establish perspective on how punk dress is currently worn, and provide some background into its history. Work dress is a more familiar topic for readers and requires less explanation, and was also addressed fairly thoroughly in the literature review of Chapter 2 and will be explored in subsequent chapters with relevance to the participants. Chapter 5 contributes to answering R1: What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? The interview data answering R1 combined with the following historical overview gives insight into the participants’ apparel body construct and how their punk dress functions within the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998). Once we understand their punk dress better we can move on to understand how and why they make choices for workplace dress. To accomplish this, Chapter 5 will introduce the reader to punk dress as a concept and also to begin to analyze the interview data similar to how Chapter 4 focused solely on survey data. As previously mentioned, Chapters 5-8 focus on data analysis of the interviews and presents the dominant themes that emerged from response repetition. These chapters then use interview quotations that best to illustrate each theme and can represent the sentiments of multiple participants. This chapter will start with a look at iconic punk dress as described by the 101 interviewees and they will explain what comprises punk style. Next it will reveal the current state of punk dress as described by the interviewees regarding their own dress behaviors. The historical background provided will be limited to that which pertains to this study. How Respondents Describe Punk Dress In General When asked in the interview: How would you describe punk dress in general? participants had many commonalities to their responses. They also had some variations, but often the same thematic variations were represented throughout multiple participants. These themes were broken into two camps. A first group of themes focused on the specific physical form of punk style. A second group of themes focused on the culture, inspiration, motivation, and overall presentation of punk style. Sometimes in one response a participant discussed both physicality and culture. I will go over both concepts, as well as interject some historical background to provide precedence as to how their responses fit into the punk milieu. Key Physical Themes From Respondents There were two dominant ways interviewees described the physicality of punk dress: referencing the iconic style and referencing different sub-genres. The specifics of physical details will be explored in depth in Chapter 6, which is all about the form portion of the FVC framework. But, as an introduction, I will bring to light some of the key physical themes that emerged when they were asked How would you describe punk dress in general? because they often used these descriptions hand-in-hand when discussing the cultural motivations for dress behaviors. 102 As the respondents indicated, there are some characteristics of punk dress that have grown to signify punk, particularly to the media and when making a quick reference. These signifiers are rooted in fashion designs, subcultural trends, and popular street styles that have been incorporated into punk dress since the 1970s, and their image has been heightened by media and social characterizations. iconic. Regarding the iconic style, there were some characteristics that were mentioned repeatedly. These can be seen as both realistic forms and almost as cartoon characters, and included mohawks, leather, black, metal studs, and plaid patterns. Interestingly, multiple interviewees started their response to “How would you describe punk dress in general” with the phrase “I guess” and other qualifiers and pauses, which to me indicated that they are not really sure what the outside opinion is, they are speculating, and that it is potentially not based on an insider’s reality. The participants’ responses included the following: “I guess I tend to associate it with mohawks or colored hair or chains. Or stuff that is kind of grungy but on purpose. Kind of, usually dark. With maybe like band shirts or I don’t know, maybe skulls and stuff. And a lot of leather, like boots and belts and accessories like that. Buckles.” —Katie “I guess I still think of it as the classic 80s punk. You know, liberty spikes and colored hair and piercings and tattoos and leather 103 jackets. And for girls, little plaid miniskirts and ripped hose and combat boots and – that’s always what I’ll think of as punk is classic 80s punk look.” —Tara “I guess the best word for me would be to describe it would be very casual. My experience and all of my friends and the people that I hang out with and see it's a lot of t-shirts. A lot of jeans or cut-off shorts. Boots, a lot of accessories in terms of belts or other kinds of jewelry and things like that...nothing necessarily clean and straight lines and form-fitting per se...I can picture it in my head...casual and comfortable and chunky. Lots of boots, lots of big jewelry, lots of heavy kinds of things. Metals and things like that, silvery.” —Denise “I was never really that taken with what I think is generally considered to be the London style of punk of the purposefully ripped jeans, the safety pins, the jackets with the big anarchy A on the back. The spiked-up hair, I mean that's...that is the image that typically is conjured up when someone says punk…” —Matt Matt points out that even in the 70s there were varied types of punk aesthetics, not just the British punk visual style, and this is also reflected in the variety of quotes. historical background. It is important to establish a brief background into how the iconic styles started. The 1970s British punk look is what became the 104 character and it was the most outwardly extreme and different from mainstream styles. The style as we know it with the physical pieces listed above developed in multiple places, one after another, and sometimes at the same time. Major cities involved in punk in the 1970s included London, New York, Los Angeles, and Detroit/Ann Arbor and it eventually became an international subculture. Notable historic figures of punk dress design included designers such as Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren in the U.K. and Tish and Snooky in the U.S. All pioneered punk style and would market their wares through popular and controversial storefronts as well as on the backs of rising musical and art stars. The two most lasting influences came out of New York and London. Tish & Snooky in New York had one of the first stores catering to the movement and developed a hair color line of unusual colors. Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren in the London created fashion designs and managed bands, and were very artistically visual and were heavily influenced by the subcultures of rockabilly, mods, and sexual fetish wear. The Brits also borrowed heavily from Richard Hell, an innovator in the New York punk music community. Richard Hell was known for being one of the first to don the short haired, grungy, safety pinned aesthetic. Most punks at the time in New York were a cross between the dwindling hippie and glam movements mixed with a low budget street style. Other ideas thrown in the New York aesthetic included early heavy metal styles with a focus on theatrical performer Alice Cooper as a strong influence. In addition to Tish & Snooky and Richard Hell, the New York band the Ramones is often credited as some of the originators of what would become U.S. 105 punk clothing style. When the Ramones initially performed at the music venue CBGBs in the mid-1970s, they donned mostly black, favoring leather jackets, pegged pants, shaggy hair, and worn-through jeans and t-shirts. The image was anti-popular-fashion, street fashion, and historical homage merged together. They were the antithesis of the shiny, bright, bell-bottomed look of the 70s era. They did not look polished or wealthy, but instead represented urban youth through their rebellious style and the forceful nature of their music (Rombes, 2006). Many more notable figures in fashion, music, boutique owning, artists, photographers, and related fields all helped promote what would become punk style. Throughout the 1970s musical icons and youthful popular culture were styled with a certain brightness and lightness, exuding crisp cheer and extraeffort, even when coming from the “natural” point-of-view leftover from the hippies of the 60s. Television’s family-oriented Brady Bunch, decadent disco, the boyish Bay City Rollers, the billowy singer songwriter movement, and even the otherworldly Ziggy Stardust could all be viewed by punks as pretentious, overdone, exaggerated, and brimming with possible artifice. Punk dress in the United States, especially that of the ilk of the gritty dress of the Ramones, brought things into reality and over to the dark side of life. Their ripped t-shirts and black leathers expressed a carefree feeling of personal comfort, confidence, toughness, and accessibility or affordability. While the cultural landscape continues to change, the meaning and intent behind those clothes often stays the same to this day. The U.K. punk dress expressed many of the same ideas with even more aggression and visual affront. However theirs 106 was not as much a reaction to artifice as it was to social oppression. During the development of punk in 1970s England there was a great deal of emphasis on visual style for identity and cultural expression as compared to the U.S., which emphasized musical change as identity and cultural expression. In the U.S. it was a music and arts revolution, about developing communities, mobilizing movements, private and secluded, and very underground. The visual style and fashion was secondary. In the U.K. the punk community expressed that fashion itself could represent and attitude that was against society, confrontational, in a highly public manner. It differed from the U.S. in that it was a visual arts/fashion revolution more so, and the music component came after. Therefore, the British look became more widely known as it was extremely blatant and was picked up by the media, the fashion industry, and by other designers, retailers, and subcultures to gawk, criticize, revere and emulate. The U.K.’s notable figures, such as Westwood, McLaren, and the group of expressive young punks sometimes known as the Bromley Contingent, were influenced by their environments, as well as by previous subcultures. Their context was gritty, art driven, dealing with social and political issues, and the clothes were a reaction to that surrounding. Also, they admired subcultures predating their own, and trace their feelings of counter culture, anti-authority, DIY, and other contrarian beliefs to: the 1950s beatniks, jazz culture, 60s mods, rockers, skinheads, greasers, glam rockers, hippies, and soul musicians, and social/political/art movements like Lettrist International, situationists, surrealism, and modernism. At the time, these contemporary British rebels, using their own creativity, their environments, and their influences helped shape what the punk 107 look would be. The idea of using popular forms of everyday life objects to make social commentary was not new. Previous movements had done this before such as the hippies’ long hair or the beatniks black attire and by artists such as Warhol in the 60s. This was a direct tie to the next decade’s punk movement using fashion as a critical voice. Within and outside of subculture much of dress has been politicized and demonstrated social relevance. Punk, especially in the U.K. was very self-conscious about it and was part art project, part design, part political revolution, and part humor and often fun. Putting one’s ideas on display like a canvas for discussion or shock was the idea. Where as for the U.S. punks it was art mixed with a more utilitarian goal. While not a brand new concept, punk was louder and not so isolated to exclusively high fashion, private art projects, or college elitism, as the kids on the street and in bands were some of its strongest advertisements and could be seen daily in public. It was a highly visible component of street culture. Punk style, particularly a merging of the New York and London looks, would go on to influence the deconstructionist high fashion of the early 1980s, specifically out of Japan, the skate and surf fashions of the California coast, and subsequent subcultures, many of which would be folded into the punk bosom. Photographers such as Jim JoCoy, Pennie Smith, Roberta Bayley, and others would capture images of punk icons and individuals who would disappear into history, but the images would have a lasting effect on future generations of subcultural participants who look to punk for ideas. iconic but not always thorough or accurate. The original punk looks 108 would get solidified in the eyes of outsiders and the media, and be used for following generations as cues for insiders, but not as much of a uniform as the outside would come to stereotype. Punk style always had leaders and followers, as with any genre of dress. Also, societal issues that were affecting many people simultaneously would result in a shared motivation or influence to dress in a certain manner. But, individuality was always a component of punk style. Furthermore, the nature of garments that are ripped, reconstructed, and repurposed means there are limits to how exact things can be reproduced and thus the style lends itself to uniqueness. Consequently, there is both cohesiveness and uniqueness in punk style. The interviewees point out that although the iconic punk style, mostly rooted in the British tradition is still in existence, it has developed into a form of caricature and few choose to utilize all of the styles’ most exaggerated elements simultaneously. This is particularly true among those punks who are not in a performance context (i.e. not on stage in a band). “I guess I could say what was kind of identified as punk in the late 70s. Because I think punk, when it first started in the late 70s was like a fashion movement, and there were a couple bands like The Sex Pistols, but there's I think a big push by the fashion industry for the shocking hairdos, hair colors, makeup that people were wearing. It was very outrageous. It's changed and it's been toned down over the years.” —Ben 109 “Someone might say liberty spikes, denim jackets, you know with spikes on it, pyramid spikes, and Sid Vicious [infamous musician from the punk band the Sex Pistols], you know, like a padlock around your neck, ripped-up jeans, whatever. Twelve-hole Doc Martens…you know safety pins, but I think that sort of represents London in 77 [year commonly referenced in punk regarding iconic style] more so than it represents all of punk.” —Alex Additionally, while the look that has become the stereotype is rooted in a legitimate punk style, primarily it most accurately represents only one time period and genre within punk that existed for a brief period of time in the U.K. in the late 1970s. It certainly has lived on, and been transformed to meet the expressive needs of punks around the globe throughout the decades that followed, but its origins and heights were specific to a time and place and there have been other looks that represent other punk genres, times, and contexts. So punk dress can differ from the stereotype of the mohawk, leathers, black studded clothes, and plaid patterns in two ways. One is that there were always other kinds of punk dress besides British, such as the New York look, which was rooted in jeans, t-shirts, and tattered American street wear mixed with a few avant garde elements. This look continues to be popular, especially within the U.S. The other is that there have been many subsequent movements within punk or adjacent to punk that have influenced punk style or been incorporated into the overall aesthetic. This is very true of later generations of punks who learned the influences of previous 110 generations, such as mod and glam, and then those got incorporated alongside punk looks. Hence, there are lots of modes of appearance that would qualify as punk style. subgenres. The 1980s and 90s would see some of the iconic punk styles become static and barely change, and also new styles would be incorporated. These would refresh the punk look through the use of vintage clothes including pin-up and garage styles, surf and skateboard attire including graffiti images and athletic slip-on shoes, exaggerated sportswear including baggy pants and oversized sweatshirts, and aesthetic influences from other subcultures such as goth and hip-hop. Each new incarnation under the punk umbrella manifested itself into a new take on punk style. Ethnic, racial, and economic diversity were all also a part of the original punk movement and this too was represented in the dress. While the iconic look is partially based on the original notable figures’ appearances, and what they were being influenced by at the time, over the years new generations discovered those original influences for themselves, understood the connection the notable figures made between say rockabilly and punk, and then were influenced by both simultaneously. Examples include a contemporary punk who is also into skinhead, mod, or skateboard culture. New generations also have dealt with their own socio-political issues that they then visually incorporate into new variations of dress. Interviewees Ben and Alex introduced the idea that punk dress over the years has not remained the British ‘late 70s style, nor was it always that way even at the time. When the punk interviewees for this study spoke about punk 111 dress they explained in explicit detail the subgenres and all the corresponding visual characteristics. Mostly they stuck with the concept of placing punk form details within certain lifestyle parameters within punk subgenres. After they explain the iconic British style, they then explain all the subgenres including grungy Crusty’s, athletic Hardcore, retro mods, and baggy pants on skateboarders. As discussed, punk dress was not created in a vacuum. It was a reflection of the society around it, an artistic movement of the people within it, and heavily influenced by the subcultures predating and surrounding it. Punk dress drew from many sources and used appropriation and bricolage to pull together individual styles that were cohesive in a group as they represented many similar ideas, even if they did not outwardly look the same. Physical influences came from all of the social and artistic revolutionaries before them in the United States and Europe, as well as the subcultural movements that directly preceded them. Elements such as those from surrealism (asymmetry), Lettrist International (writing on clothes), beatniks (stripes, skinny jeans, dark colors), rockabilly (leathers, denim), mod (mohair, streamline cuts), glam (make up, color, androgyny), and reggae/ska (dreadlocks, military fatigues, Jamaican rudeboy style), can all be seen in the original punks styles and continuing through modern times (Marcus; 1990; Polhemus; 1994 & 1996; Savage; 2002). Some punk individuals latch onto one of those influences and follow the visuals very specifically, but many incorporate strong cues from a preferred subculture they identify with, and then individualize it and incorporate other styles, with this variety being accepted as part of the original punk ethos. 112 Additionally, homage is a significant aspect of punk and a part of why there are so many different looks in punk today. They are aligning themselves to varied aspects of punk’s past, not just the iconic parts. Homage is complicated because when something is a mainstream style that was appropriated from punk the mainstream wearer often does not know the background as to why that garment was originally worn in punk contexts. But truthfully, within punk that is often a challenge as well, and the homage is sometimes stylistic without historical context remaining relevant. Other times it’s less a reference to the exact nature of the original item in use, than it is a similar attitude or necessity, such as budget or functionality. A dirty appearance and steel-toed Dr. Martens boots are examples. With the development of punk subgenres, the active use of homage, and the interest in previous generations’ influences, many new motivations and physical styles have developed since the original 1970s punks. These have included different genres of punk music like hardcore, anarchism, math rock, emo, each with their own style; street art like graffiti and silk-screening becoming more popular; socio-political movements like the rise of another wave of feminism, gay rights, environmentalism, animal rights, and the continued bipolarization of the political system in the United States. Often the name of the punk subgenre gives a clue into the related aesthetic. ‘Hardcore’ would take influence from both athletic gear and skinhead attire with jeans, work wear, boots, and tattoos reflective of the hyper masculine approach to the music. ‘Riot Grrrls’ on the other hand were third wave feminists who exaggerated their femininity with baby doll dresses and tight t-shirts 113 combined with the aggression of combat boots and protest slogans written on their bodies. ‘Crusty’ and ‘anarchist punks’ would mix the look of the iconic U.K. punk styles with a nomadic, unwashed appearance often reflective of their living in squats or train hopping lifestyle. ‘Emo’ and ‘indie punks’ would adopt descriptive names such as “sweater punks” in reflection of their academic appearance generated from the sensitive and emotional music and co-ed groupings. Many more subgroups have emerged, each with its own variation on the core punk styles; reflective of their new approach and participants but still harkening back to the past, often in subtle ways. They often incorporate what is common popular youth/mainstream/high fashion contemporary style for the era, with a reaction to it either through subtle changes in the form or often the use of the object in context. The interviewees actively discuss subgenres within punk dress. “It’s so wide–ranging and so encompassing. I mean it can be the classic Ramones look of too-small t-shirt, tight jeans, Converse high tops and a leather jacket. Which is almost a uniform. It can run from that to, I mean, what Gwen Stefani [contemporary ska/poppunk singer] wears, which is the haute couture end of punk.” — Kathy E. “It depends on which way, because you could have those quoteunquote gutter punks who are just like tore-up clothes, leather jackets, spikes all over the place. Or you got the hardcore kid that’s 114 in his hoodie or his cross-trainers. There’s so many different wide varieties.” —Brian “It splinters off into everything from the vintage rockabilly set to the…strappy bondage pants, mall punk…to the genuine gutter punks that own four shirts and keep them until they're falling off of them. Squatter style. And then there's the goth kids. So there's all these different subcultural visuals that pop into my head, kind of like a family tree I suppose. But...I'm definitely not a believer that there's a uniform or that there's a measurable ‘this is’ and ‘this isn't’.” — Nora Kathy E. discusses that punk styles run the gamut of the street to the runway. Brian discusses that there are different categories within contemporary punk and Nora explains that although there are different categories within punk there are not firm lines between the categories or rules about the styles that are strictly enforced. Punks create their own individual style, using their personal interest, situation, and influences. Punk dress today maintains its alternative cache yet also has widespread mainstream recognition and availability. The Internet, as well as chain stores such as Hot Topic and Urban Outfitters widely distributes clothing that could be deemed representative of punk, although many punks still choose take an individualized stance on how their punk dress is developed rather than buying off-the-rack punk. 115 Key Motivational Themes From Respondents/Cultural Hallmarks Nora’s sentiment about the lack of a true punk uniform establishes the idea that although there are certain style markers that have become identifiable, whether they are in use as viable cues by insiders, or as caricature by outsiders, there are broader concepts that punks identify with in order to fully explain punk dress. These characteristics are cultural hallmarks of what makes dress practices punk, and based on the interviews, it seems more so than form specifics that identify punk dress for a outsider viewer. Based on the interviewees’ responses, as it turns out, the visual is important, but the following cultural hallmarks were mentioned much more than physical garments by the respondents, indicating they may be even more important that the specific forms. These motivations indicate how punk dress has developed, why it maintains relevance, and how it can transform from one style to another but maintain continuity. Each of these hallmarks is important to contemporary punks, and most of them can be traced back to the origins of how punk style was conceived and then continued to grow and change. When asked “How would you describe punk dress in general?” many interviewees went right to these motivational and cultural hallmarks instead of to clothing form details. With that data, I saw that the punk umbrella was wide open over the framework of form, viewer, and context, inclusive of all three components. The following are the punk dress motivational themes and cultural hallmarks discussed by respondents: identity/mentality/attitude/argot. Many of the punks describe punk dress as not specific to certain garments, but instead to when an individual’s whole self is embedded with a punk identity that is reflected in their visual presentation. 116 They use words such as ‘mentality’ and ‘attitude’ to describe this. As discussed in the literature review, Brake (1985) referred to this as ‘argot’, meaning that one successfully embodies their clothes with an attitude that someone else might look uncomfortable in, or not seem accurate wearing, if they fail to have the heart in it. The interviewees reinforced this notion repeatedly. “A punk rocker could wear the same thing that somebody not punk could wear and it’s got a different attitude to it.” —Kathy E. “Well I would say now it’d be, I think it maybe would be a little more without boundaries. Something that identifies what you like, what you listen to, what you believe, that is almost like a second skin. Not necessarily having to make a huge political or social statement.” —Chrissy “Well, it really varies. Again, I’m older. I’m 41. So when I was a punk rocker, a lot of it was about attitude. It wasn’t so much the clothing. We didn’t have Hot Topic, you know. There wasn’t anybody that was catering to a punk aesthetic like there was now…You know, it was a lot more, reflected personality a lot more I think back then. Now…I don’t know...I’ll just leave it at that.” —Zhac “I feel like it's really hard to narrow it down because I think it has more to do with attitude than it does with what you actually have on your body.” —Rachel 117 DIY/lack of mainstream branding. Multiple participants explained that punk dress often uses self-styling techniques, such as adding or subtracting trim details, fraying, dying, painting, bleaching, drawing/writing on, reconstructing, and adding of punk iconography such as band logos. There is a goal to disassociate with conventional or mainstream attire and brands, and this creation of a unique garment, if the garment started conventional, is a technique. There is often a decision to not purchase or outwardly display the use of mainstream popular brands and logos in an effort to not seem associated with them because they represent ideals the punk does not feel are their own such as shallow, overly luxurious, conventional, lacking creativity, or simply uncool. However, it should be noted, that in these efforts for individuality, there are some brands that the subgenres of punks do actively associate with, particularly those with strong referential ties that pay homage to previous generations of subcultural enthusiasts. “Back in the day it was are you wearing Doc Martens, are you wearing Converse, are you wearing Vans? Are you wearing Levi's or are you wearing a more expensive brand of jean? I had a hard time going from Levi's and upgrading to a J. Crew jean because it was kind of like ‘I don't know; are these as cool? Do I think...How do I feel about that?’ So there is some branding there, but I think it tends to be kind of plain, kind of dark, more utilitarian than necessarily fashionable.” —Marla 118 “I couldn’t afford to buy fishnets – I couldn’t find fishnets for one thing. So I would take several different pairs of tights and a razor blade and cut them up and wear several layers to kind of give that effect. It was a lot more homemade, a lot more do-it-yourself. People made their own patches, tailored their own clothes.” —Zhac “I think these days though, if you want to talk about now, when I think about things I see that seem kind of punk to me. There is all that trendy stuff, but to me that's almost like, that's...it's not, it's cliché or it's not really even punk anymore. It's kind of just cute. But I think the DIY stuff or the...I don't know. I guess that's what I would say. At least that's the stuff that appeals to me.” —Rachel Increased availability of DIY methods and other trends in the arts were changing punk dress as well. The rise of 70s and 80s graffiti culture greatly influenced the look of punk with its slogan and logs, its messy paint schemes, its ‘anywhere is fine and in fact important’ attitude, and ‘I can do what I want where I want with my art’ attitude. Similarly, silk screening, popularized by Warhol and Lichtenstein and other artists and designers was brought into clothes in a big way in the 70s, and punks actively used it as a low budget method to reconfigure known images with satire as well as produce images that no one else was likely to produce for them. It was political, versatile, and useful. It could be of the moment too, with immediate social criticism, and continues in this tradition as home printing and Internet printing options make it so that anyone can make a 119 shirt on the quick. These DIY concepts are reflected in: punk graphics on t-shirts, bumper stickers, patches, message pins and buttons, and the use of markers to write upon clothing. The ease in which people can make their own designs, and the rise of edgy ‘writer’ culture and poppy political low brow art were perfect timing for punks’ DIY ethic and in-your-face attitude. The enormous modern craft movement also continues to push this forward in a new slant, with their reaction to the lack of personalization in clothing (and life) that has come into existence through globalization and technology. Their re-embrace of formerly feminine pursuits such as making one’s own clothing, knitting, and embroidery is in part born of the notion that it is now social acceptable to perform tasks such as that were once solely women’s work. They indicate that social progress for the 21st century includes not only women embracing historically male roles, but all of society also embracing female roles (Sklar, 2007). Hence, a contemporary punk may heavily overlap with modern crafts. differentiation against mainstream/ differentiate self from others even within punk. The goal for differentiation is similar to the goals of DIY production and lacking in mainstream branding. Punks use dress to differentiate themselves visually from their surroundings. This can be to appear separate from the mainstream, to appear as unique or individual, and even to stand out within the punk community. Dress artifacts represent distaste for the norm, disgust with the mainstream, political and social angst, and artistic expression. Items worn as punk clothing in an effort to show this difference have included garbage bags as dresses, work wear, vintage clothing, military garb, brothel creeper shoes, blue jeans, fetish wear, and fishnets. Accessories and adornment has included safety 120 pins as closures and jewelry, one inch logo badges, patches, hair dyed vibrant and unnatural colors and shaped and cut in anti-mainstream ways, tattoos, piercings, handwritten or screened messages, and the use of wide stripes, black and white checkered patterns, and tartan plaids (Polhemus, 1994). Punk style struggles with its position with the mainstream. There is a simultaneous goal to be separate yet accepted; a wish to be appear appropriate to a context but not have their style appropriated by outsiders. There is a goal to influence culture but also to be insular and oriented toward secret symbolic cues learned through commitment. Some of these notions are conflicting and create internal struggles. Some other of these ideas can exist through overlapping and different individuals highlighting different priorities, although some would argue this can lead to a certain amount hypocrisy when trying to enact so socio-cultural dress many ideas at the same time. The interviewees’ comments represent this goal for differentiation. “I think that the best part of punk fashion is it’s individual. You don’t want to see somebody else wearing the same thing. And the likelihood of doing that is pretty slim. Because everybody does something to it.” —Kathy E. “The first thing for me and I think for a lot of other people is it's definitely something that makes people look twice. And that goes for whether it's Japanese street style or American gutter punk or 121 skinhead style. Anything that sticks out enough that people will actually stop and try to figure out what they're seeing.” —Nora “I say something that's anti-establishment would be a good umbrella because that way, depending on what the establishment is, whatever goes against it could be considered punk. But it also could be considered to be in the eye of the beholder, it's different…If you look at Black Flag [80s punk band] and they didn't dress like that but they're undeniably a punk band. So Rollins [Black Flag vocalist] grew his hair out to fuck with the punks, you know. Because when they went on tour they expected, because like he was bald, but then he grew his hair out real long and that was punk. Like being bald was punk but it was generic punk. Having really long hair was really punk because it was going against punk. So it's all, it can be everything to a certain degree…whatever raises the ire sometimes, it's just to raise the ire of other people.” —Alex “From a smell perspective, never personally really been into it, but generally if I'm at a show and you run into more than a couple people that haven't bathed in a long time and...Or got the patchouli on, it will bring you back. And you're like, ‘Ah. I'm in a punk spot because you smell people.’ And you don't really get that when you're in a non-punk environment. Even if you're kind of watching a 122 crossover band and you've got some of the normal people there. You don't really have a big stinker in the crowd, but at a punk show you always will.” —Sean “And that's what I really like about punk rock fashion is that it's all different. You really don't see five cookie cutter punk rock kids. I mean they might have a lot of the same things but they all wear it in different styles. And that's what I like to do is I like to wear it in different styles.” —Danielle the way it’s put together/identifying the like-minded vs. posers. Punk dress takes into consideration the aesthetics concept of the part-to-whole relationship regarding the overall form and all of the pieces that compose the form. For a punk it is key to know what details (parts) to select and what complete forms are accepted within punk. This concept is often where cues are employed. Therefore, it was frequently discussed in the interviews how the look is stylistically put together which can be subtle or bombastic. The use of these cues done correctly helps create relationship connections by viewing one another as well as established desired distinctions from one’s context. “You walk down the street and you see somebody but you could see somebody in plain clothes too and they could be just as punk rock as somebody else. Or somebody could be dressing the part and could be a poseur or...just doing it for the image. Because I 123 think...I differentiate between the fashion style that somebody comes into for a couple years and the lifestyle that certain people, I guess like myself, have gotten into and kind of like stayed with over the years. And it becomes more than just a style of music or what you dress or how you look, but a part of your lifestyle and what you do...and what you surround yourself with.” —Ben “But it's interesting because it's almost like how someone carries themselves more than how they're actually dressed. Because I see a kid who looks like Hot Topic's dream child walk around, you're like ‘that kid is not punk rock at all.’ And then you see another kid who's got on a studded belt and maybe tight jeans and a pair of creepers and just a regular t-shirt, and you're like ‘that's a punk rock kid.’ It really has a lot to do with how they carry themselves.” — Kathy A. “I think a lot of it is how you wear it too. A yuppie chick can wear knee socks and she wears them one way, but I'm...since I believe pantyhose are the devil, I'm famous for knee socks at work. The kids at least once or twice a week, in the winter especially, I've got knee socks on and the kids keep track of my knee socks. ‘Oh, it's the skull knee socks today Ms. [participant’s last name], that's great.’ So it all depends on how you wear it too and what you wear it with.” —Nora 124 know it when I see it. Many interviewees used the phrase “know it when I see it” to indicate their awareness of how the cues should be employed and when they are used correctly, which is related to Brake’s argot concept. This is about that delicate connection made between people through recognition of small visual cues. Furthermore, for punks who are concerned with commitment and legitimacy within their culture, this is also how participants determine who is an actual insider and who may be a poser. The proper use of cues is very similar to the category of “how it’s put together.” If the cues are improperly used, or even overly used, they are often seen as an awkward effort that it not natural to the wearer. It appears they are expressing sentiments they do not fully understand. The time spent by a punk learning cues means teaches them how to identify one another quickly, including how long they may have been in the community and what subgenres they are interested in. “It has to be put together in a certain way more than it is...it's hard to describe. I know it when I see it.” —Rachel “I mean to me, it's such a multi-faceted fashion that maybe in the early 80s it was more codified and now it's so...I mean there's so many different genres and subgenres that there really isn't one style. Although if I saw someone on the street, I could...it's kind of more like I know when I see it. If I see somebody on the street, I can say ‘OK; this is a punk person versus an indie person or something like that.’ Or what have you. So I don't think I can 125 answer, you know how to give just one answer of what punk fashion is. I think it's such a multi-faceted thing. But I know when I see it.” —Nate time invested/attention to detail. This category is directly tied to the notions about understanding of cues and how to put a look together. Interviewees talked about time investment and detail in two ways. First, some spoke about how there is an investment of daily time to get the right appearance. This is time that is enjoyed. Examples are getting the hair correct, making sure the jewelry is right, rolling cuffs to show tattoos when desired. Second, while time spent is often daily, it is also about time invested age-wise or even if still young how much free time is invested. This highlights true interest and commitment. Many of the dress cues are so subtle that they can only be identified by someone who has invested enough time to understand them. This is a sign of truly being in the community. “I think it's a certain attention to detail. And the details really go from head to foot. From punk dress. In that generally, boots of some sort. Jewelry of some sort. A lot of metal in it. From generally piercings and tattoos. And from a hairstyle, either dyed, back when I used to be able to dye my hair. When I had some. But dyed hair, spiky hair, braids, beads. Also, once again, attention to detail when it comes to your entire dress from...generally black, more so, and then either silly band t-shirts, maybe more so than otherwise. Also 126 attention to detail in jewelry. You'll see, once again more silver. Silver skulls or something of that nature and rings and...bracelets. Kind of interesting too, it's always been kind of a crossover with the bondage...certain either rings on your...bracelets, rings on belts, rings on boots. And chains, lots of chains. It's a certain niche and that's definitely how I describe it.” —Sean “I really think that punk dress is whatever you're into. If you're into spending 3-hours or whatever it is on your hair to get some huge mohawk or flat-ironing it, straight...when you have really curly hair, it's spending time.” —Danielle How The Interviewees Wear Punk Dress Today: The Physical & the Cultural Discussing how the interviewees themselves wear punk dress followed up the discussions of what punk dress is. This section presents ideas about both the cultural and physical aspects of how the interviewees wear punk dress. Chapter 6 will describe the form details in greater detail regarding how they fit into the aesthetics framework, but this section of Chapter 5 introduces the major themes that emerged about what they wear as punk dress. Multiple interview questions elicited responses about what punk dress is to them and how it is worn, but the primary questions that elicited a direct response were “Describe punk dress as you personally have worn it” and “What are the specific elements of your dress that you consider to be punk?” The data showed that although some of the participants discussed the 127 stereotypical aspects of punk dress when trying to describe its physical generalities, often there is a gap between the iconic style and what the interviewees are actually doing now with their form. This gap is frequently explained through their emphasis on the motivations and cultural hallmarks that they perceive as making up punk style, more so than any particular garment. Key Themes Addressed by Interviewees Key physical and cultural themes emerged when the interviewees discussed how they wear contemporary punk dress. Many themes are the same as when they discussed what is punk dress in general, and some strayed into new areas. Some of the new areas reference concepts of the general punk dress, but posed in contemporary applications. After each theme I will link the way the participants currently wear punk style to the cultural hallmark they described regarding what composes punk style. punk by wearer definition/how you put it together. This category goes right along with the theme mentioned above about “how you put it together” and similarly about “knowing it when I see it.” A lot of it is punk by wearer definition. The theme that some punk clothes become punk by the way in which they are worn came up through two routes. It emerged through multiple questions about their punk dress, and it came up very specifically in the question “Do some items become punk by the way in which you wear them?” This is linked to two general cultural hallmarks: “the way it’s put together/identifying like-minded versus posers” and “time invested/attention to detail.” 128 “Yeah. Usually it's the shoe, it's the belt, it's the tights, it's the accessories are key of being able to give it some flair. Because I'm not shopping at anyplace special. I'm shopping at Kohl's, at Target, at Marshall's, at TJ Maxx. Wherever. I'm not going to any particular place that specializes, like Hot Topic or whatever...not going anyplace specifically. So I find something that appeals to me because of the different kind of shape it has or some sort of, the design of it itself. And then it's usually with the other accessories that makes it, that gives it a little extra flair.” —Denise “It's the intent behind the item. Because if I were Fred Perry [brand] knowing that I have books and books about mod culture and Oi! [subgenre] culture and I listen to the Foreskins [punk/skinhead band], then when I wear that Fred Perry, I'm thinking of something. Whereas someone can just walk down the street like in Britain, you get Fred Perrys everywhere and all these people aren't punk or oi. They never listened to the Oppressed [band]; don't give a fuck about the Fourskins or Last Resort [bands]. They just think it's a nice tennis shirt. So it's not punk when someone's wearing it who has no conception of its history and how it was co-opted by skins. So it's all in I guess how you brand it yourself. Or you're making a nod to something. Someone else isn't. So one person is punk and one person isn't.” —Alex 129 punk by wearer definition-how you wear it. Sometimes just the way typically “nonpunk” items are placed together in groups makes the entire look appear punk by relating the parts to the whole (Delong, 1998). Examples would be t-shirts with varied styles of pants, changing one’s shoes, or revealing or concealing tattoos. Also, the choice of specific brands such as mod-punk favorite Fred Perry or iconography such as skulls, can take conventional items and tweak them to make them recognizable to insiders as cues to punk involvement. This is linked to multiple cultural hallmarks: “the way it’s put together/identifying likeminded versus posers”, “know it when I see it”, “time invested/attention to detail”, and “identity/mentality/attitude/argot.” “I guess when you put it all together with the baseball cap and the jeans and the shoes, I have a plain plaid shirt that could be considered punk now. You roll up the sleeves so some of your tattoos show. It’s a plain plaid shirt so I wouldn’t say it’s a punk shirt, but I guess it becomes that way when you put it all together.” —Brian “I think the way that you put things together and sometimes unconventionally…or maybe accessorizing them maybe changes the way they’re interpreted. And maybe that’s more of my style now by taking those things and making them what I want them to be.” — Chrissy 130 “I think maybe just with you know how you do your hair, or sometimes when my tattoo shows that maybe makes it look a little more [punk]. So I try to take something that could maybe be pretty but then make it look like rougher, a little bit. And I use it to maybe downplay the prettiness of it in a sense or make it more; I don’t know what word I’m looking for. But I kind of like to take something nice and then take something the opposite and add them together.” —Katie punk by wearer definition-where you wear it and the related details. Sometimes the connection of context and form details can make all the difference in whether something comes across as appearing punk. This is linked to two cultural hallmarks: “differentiation against mainstream/differentiate self from others even within punk”, and “the way it’s put together/identifying likeminded versus posers.” “One could wear an ironic t-shirt, like an old church picnic t-shirt that somebody got at a thrift store that at one time was a shirt commemorating a church picnic. Now on some, on a kind of a punk person in a completely different setting, it becomes a punk rock tshirt. Just by the context in which they're wearing it. So that happens. I see that kind of thing a lot. Taking something, making it ironic. It gives it a punk element to it.” —Ben 131 “I was trying to come up with an outfit that was punk, and I'm like, well, I think sometimes it's more the way you combine things. Like a particular shirt, I've worn it to work. I can wear it to work. But if I wore it to work, I'd pull it up on my shoulders…But if I weren't wearing it to work, I'd have a tank top underneath it with red straps and it would be down on my shoulders and I'd have huge earrings. So it's the combination, it's the whole look. I might use more product in my hair and make it more messy. Things like that, that to me would push me into, make it a little edgier…I could wear more eyeliner. Add just a little bit of this and that and it ends up looking very, very different.” —Rachel one of a kind/DIY/vintage/used. The participants are driven by the idea of being unique; differentiating themselves from the mainstream and from each other. They want to be either socially or internally accepted for their difference, which often leads them to the ideas of punk and the subcultural community. Also the modern craft movement, and the low budget personalization of do-it-yourself compliment punk’s ideals well. This is linked to three cultural hallmarks: “DIY/lack of mainstream branding”, “differentiation against mainstream/differentiate self from others even within punk”, and “time invested/attention to detail.” “Well now for my punk dress, it's really different styles of clothing that you really don't see a lot. Like I really like to get one-of-a-kind 132 things, or make them one-of-a-kind. Like I'll make, I'll buy a shirt and add my own embellishments on it, if you will. Just to make it different…I'll add things to it to make it look different so you kind of have to look twice. And that's how I really like to wear my clothes; I like to add buttons on to things or cut the sleeves off and make it shorter or sometimes cut the sleeves off and make the sleeves into a belt. Like a long-sleeve shirt, I've done that a couple times. And turning dresses into shirts, just wearing them differently…I think I'm more inventive now with my clothing than I was when I was younger with punk rock. Because I would just buy things that were punk rock, and now I'm making things that I know are punk rock to me.” —Danielle A subcategory of DIY is a strong interest in vintage or used clothing. This is for multiple reasons including budget needs, expressing individuality through the unique finds at resale shops, the ease in which an older garment can be repurposed or have trim added to it, and the quick route to expressing an homage to previous styles and genres. “Repurposing a lot of things…wearing a lot of clothes that had been my mother’s or my aunt’s and when those didn’t fit or weren’t going to be turning them into something else…mixing that again 1950s and 1960s style and maybe even getting nerdier than most people 133 would because I do like my cardigans, even the horn-rimmed glasses for a long time. Short bangs like Bettie Page.” —Chrissy “As I’ve personally worn it…a lot of free box stuff…vintage stuff...In the 80s it was much more about recycled clothing. And you could find a lot more cool stuff. I had a really cool 1930s vintage shirt that I had altered. It had lacy, sheer sleeves. And I took the fringe off of an old rug I really liked and sewed it on to the bottom of my shirt…I wore tights and skirts and whatever strange cool weird shirts I could find. Again, I didn’t really have a lot of money so a lot of it was from free boxes. I wore a lot of lingerie as outer clothing. Even before Madonna made it really big. That wasn’t something she made up, despite what some people will tell you. Yeah, that’s about it.” — Zhac piercing/hair color/tattoo. Interviewees use tattoo, piercing, and hair color to give punk cues. There is debate now in popular culture as to how edgy these body modifications continue to be, but many punks still them as cues, in part as homage to subculture’s past. They select tattoos images and piercing placement and jewelry carefully. The cultural hallmark this is most linked to is “differentiation against mainstream/differentiate self from others even within punk.” 134 “Hair coloring, piercings...I like to wear huge earrings, which may be not appropriate for work. But I wear my giant hoops. To me...it's, like I said, it's hard for me to say...it doesn't seem very hard hitting, it's not hard hitting at all...but I feel like it's pushing that, it's edgy for, especially for working in those Catholic schools. It's really edgy for me…They look at me every day, the teachers are like ‘What is she wearing today? What crazy thing did she come up with today?’ …My nose ring, I think has been the major thing that people think or notice or see that they feel like puts me in a certain category.” — Rachel “I think whether or not my tattoos are made visible or not would be the first thing.” —Marla “I would say the primary thing is my piercings. Because even though piercings have become more common part of mainstream dress, I think the gauged ears are probably very uncommon, especially for females. And then the tongue piercing, I think the angle it was done on and the fact that the jewelry was done by Phil [piercer within the Detroit punk community who pierced in his home and at punk events] makes it feel a little more punk I guess than someone who got it done on spring break.” —Audra distressed apparel. Participants often prefer clothing that is not pristine, 135 with an allowance for rips, stains, and holes. Sometimes this comes out of lifestyle and budget necessity, and sometimes out of aesthetic choice. Dirt and worn in clothes are acceptable within punk more so than mainstream fashion. A related idea is about dirt and moral worth. The definition of dirt itself is up for debate with matter from the ground, the air, and the body all viewed in varying ways. Frequently, middle-class people who participate in subcultures such as hippies and ‘crusty’ punk present an unkempt appearance as a sign of their political, environmental and social ideals. There are many examples where the washed might judge the unwashed as lazy, immoral, or low class, but it is true two-way equation because the “unwashed” can also have specific motivations that are potentially being misunderstood. Masquelier (2005) discussed that perhaps the idea of dirt as negative comes from basic social control issues. People want to be in control of themselves, and often others, and feel a sense of accomplishment and even superiority when there is a great deal of control. The poor who cannot wash, the foreign who might have different hygiene expectations, babies, the elderly, and the mentally unstable who possibly cannot attend to themselves and need assistance, all make another person feel in control. The two cultural hallmarks this is linked to are “time invested/attention to detail” (in this case lack thereof is a statement) and “identity/mentality/attitude/argot.” “I wear a lot of torn-up shorts. You know I buy a pair of shorts or I'll buy a pair of pants and I'll just cut the bottom legs off, they're like longer past the knee shorts, and then...unless I fuck up and I cut 136 them too short, then they're above the knees. Whatever. And then just random shirts, some solid shirts or whatever. And I kind of just wear them over and over again. They all have holes on them…just everything's kind of more as I wear it, it's more ratty for a better term…Or tattered is a better word.” —Jonathan “Safety pins were on everything. Because safety pins, when your clothes break…and lot of us were poor. So, always have a safety pin because it’ll hold your clothes together.” —Zhac “A little bit more worn-in clothes. Always have holes in the jeans…Now it's t-shirts with, in the wintertime, long underwear underneath the t-shirts. Hopefully one that's a little bit more worn in. And as general, you can wear your punk clothes when you're not around a punk environment to get them to the certain spot. You know, wash your whites with your blacks to make sure that they're not too white. Especially your long underwear. You know you almost got to get them brown before you can put them on.” —Sean accessories/men’s accessories are sometimes their facial hair. Participants often referred to the use of accessories. Sometimes this is a simple and inexpensive way to be have punk identity expression, and to have one’s garments not be relegated to only certain contexts. Thus making their wardrobe go further. They can change up shoes and jewelry and be able to switch from 137 work to a music show quickly. There is also a subtlety to accessories more so than whole styles that are iconically punk. Examples include a pin, a style of earring, in the case of men it can be the way they groom their facial hair. These are ways older punks often express themselves who do not want to be so visually extreme anymore and want smaller or references to punk. They want to expend less effort and money and thus the cues are deeply embedded within otherwise conventional appearing clothing. This is linked to two cultural hallmarks: “the way it’s put together/identifying like-minded versus posers” and “time invested/attention to detail.” “From a facial hair perspective…Way back, it used to be goatees and those got too commonplace. Now it's really funny, it's like beards. So I do it too. Kind of unfortunately fitting the mold. I've got to have a beard, because that says you're a punk rocker. Which is very bizarre.” —Sean “I guess I would say that [punk] mainly it exists within my accessories. Because I think a lot of the stuff I have is pretty basic, like I’ll have a black dress or just have like jeans and something. But I’ll have really like heavy bags and boots and like jewelry.” — Katie For women a popular accessory is opaque tights and fishnet stockings, and they can be ripped, brightly colored or patterned, and black. This is in strong 138 contrast to the disdain for nylon hosiery that was mentioned by many participants. “I still wear fishnets a lot.” —Tara “I have a lot more things that are more dresses and skirts and, that I can just intermix with different funky tights or colored tights.” — Denise “When I get involved in derby stuff, I wear, we wear a lot of torn stockings.” —Katie jeans and t-shirts, shorts, hardcore/casual style/bands. Many current punks are casual in their everyday appearance and reflect the styles of 1970s New York and 1980s/90s skateboarders, more so than a British late 70s punk. They feel this look is about function and less about visual extremes or artistic fashion. Jeans, t-shirts, hooded sweatshirts, and athletic shoes fill their closets. This also comes from the huge influence of the ‘hardcore’ subgenre and its related offshoots ‘emo’ and ‘indie’ throughout the 80s and 90s in the United States and then abroad. Many of the leaders of these subgenres utilized toned down apparel that was about utilitarianism and practicality in lieu of avant-garde experimentation or shock and confrontation. It should be acknowledged that although some of these looks are rooted in the 70s downtown New York scene, as well as some surf/skate culture the influence of the ‘hardcore’ subgenre brings with it a strong preference for 139 masculinity. Thus it is possible that a rejection of the flamboyance of British punk and the feminine or fey component of investing too much time in one’s hair, styling, and make up, did not gel well with the agro vision of hardcore. While not exactly openly homophobic or anti-woman, its overt masculinity does not match well with the iconic style’s attention grabbing look. ‘Emo’ and ‘indie’ would soften the athletic and utilitarian aspects of hardcore, shifting toward a collegiate and skateboard emphasis, even with some goth and overtones in more recent times, but overall the influx of hardcore’s influence has social tones as well as physical. On a separate but also important note, in the U.S. there is also a notion of the more time you have to spend on your outward punk style the less you really are into it. That the visual is taking the place of the “real.” As discussed, time commitment to understand cues is valued, but spending too much obvious time having to show off the most blatant cues is looked upon poorly. Thus, jeans and t-shirts with a band logo are often more than enough for many people to express punk identity. Particularly men, as with women there is more flexibility and ebb and flow regarding levels of adornment in punk trends. However, in the U.K. and other places including Japan there is a different perspective. Through my research I have found that internationally there is often the idea that the more time you put into your appearance the more committed you are and it reflects positively on the wearer to other insiders. This is linked to multiple cultural hallmarks: “identity/mentality/attitude/argot”, “know it when I see it”, “DIY/lack of mainstream branding.” 140 “I think it’s been the slim jeans and the t-shirts, a baseball cap or a beanie depending on the weather.” —Brian “I would say I fall primarily into the hardcore punk category…So I don’t have an excessive amount of plaid clothing or leather pants with zippers or any high heel boots. I just have kind of the casual type of feminine pants that aren’t super tight. And a whole lot of tshirts with bands on them. Whether they’re girlie tees or guy tees.” —Audra “T-shirts of my favorite bands, jeans. Converse all-stars, Doc Marten boots or Doc Marten shoes. That's probably about the extent of it for me. I never had a real weird haircut or anything like that. And never really owned a leather jacket that I considered to fit in as punk in any way. So for me, that would probably be about the extent of it.” —Matt A popular look within the jeans and t-shirt style (and almost all of the punk styles) is to publicly represent interest in a band. The promotion of what music you prefer is a cue for others that you are into punk, including what subgenres. It can lead immediately to a sense of camaraderie. It can even tip people off to question whether someone is a poser depending on how popular the band is, how easy it is to obtain the garment, and what condition the shirt is in. Often the smaller the band or the more worn-in the shirt—the better. This display indicates 141 knowledge of something insular, or that the garment is old or has been well worn, both of which signify high levels of commitment. “T-shirts. I still have most of them because I can’t bear to get rid of them because they’re just part of me. The bands I liked, it was like it was kind of advertising. You want to advertise the bands you like with all the buttons on your jacket. All the pins that I still have, can’t get rid of. And it was great, because back then you’d be wearing a button for the Dead Kennedys [band] and you’d run into someone else with a button of the Dead Kennedys and you had something in common and a way of meeting each other that you wouldn’t have otherwise…it was great, because you had, it was like wearing a billboard that was like, ‘I’m into this.’ You know, ‘We can talk.’” — Kathy E. “I do it more casually now, so it's not as obvious. But I would say it's more in the band t-shirts I guess that I wear…But yeah to me, it's more in the bands that I represent. And to me, I think I think I always look punk to somebody else who's into the music. They look at me and say ‘OK, this person's one of us.’” —Nate black and dark colors. The color black and similar hues were discussed repetitively as quite important for functional purposes but mostly regarding social connotations. This will be further explored in Chapter 6, but as an introduction, 142 the punks discussed many facets of the value of dressing dark including: its association with dirt and corresponding moral worth, practicality for hiding stains and matching most colors, representation of an edgy and intimidating appearance, and providing a shield to hide behind or to repel others. Two cultural hallmarks are “differentiation against mainstream/differentiate self from others even within punk” and “identity/mentality/attitude/argot.” “A lot of black, I guess.” —Brian “A lot of black all the time.” —Stacey “Dark colors, black, dark blue and stuff like that.” —Ben “Dressing a little bit darker.” —Chrissy “I wear a lot of black.” —Nora “I wear a lot of black. And in general, I always preferred black. Because it’s harder to see in the light for one thing, it’s easier to hide. It goes with everything. ‘When in doubt, wear black.” —Zhac “To what a lot of people, I’ve always worn a lot of black. And so people have always thought I was Goth, and it’s like, ‘No Goth is a whole other…I’m not into Goth.’ But the perception, apparently people who wear black are into Goth. For me, it was always a 143 background thing, fade into the background. And still predominantly, most of my clothes are dark.” —Kathy E. boots. The interviewees discussed that their chunky, oversized boots give an air of intimidation they appreciate. The boots provide a strong and solid footing that forcefully places them within a context and visual says they cannot be messed with. There is historic precedence with the often steel-toed Dr. Martens boots, and this theme has been carried through with various other styles including motorcycle boots and multi-buckled goth inspired styles. The frequently black or dark colors, the metal, rubber, leather, that compose the tough exteriors reflect an ability to withstand challenges. For women, this was mentioned as additionally relevant in contrast to the dainty and vulnerable high heels and similar styles that to them indicate complying with societal limitations on women. Cultural hallmarks are: “the way it’s put together/identifying like-minded versus posers” and “identity/mentality/attitude/argot.” “It would definitely have to be boots. I always wore pretty much boots.” —Stacey “Always got the boots on.” —Sean “I mean it’s amazing what happens - a couple of skirts that I have that I absolutely love. If I wear them to work with a nice pair of little conservative flats, they look like a very cute little, nice little linen skirt or whatever. But if I wear them with my lace-up Doc Martens, 144 it’s very punk. The minute you put a pair of big heavy stomping boots with something, it becomes very punk.” —Kathy E. 70s/80s classic punk style. Some of the respondents do in fact dress close to the iconic style British style. It is not that the style has ceased existing; it is that it is not as much the punk norm as an outsider may believe. When contemporary punks do wear the iconic style, it is partially referential, partially artistic expression, and way to reflect identity and individuality. The cultural hallmarks are: “iconic”, “the way it’s put together/identifying like-minded versus posers”, and “time invested/attention to detail.” “I think that the classics, the things that have stayed around forever would be kind of belts, shoes, boot-kind of things, and for me it's been a little more darker clothing. And then the constant with a silver jewelry kind of thing.” —Denise “I would say I’ve definitely done that classic 80s punk look. Goth and punk start to blend together sometimes, and I’ve totally done gamuts of that as well.” —Tara “Studs, plaid. I love my plaid…and fishnets for sure. I have so many different pairs of boots. It's ridiculous. I still wear the 20-hole Gripfasts [boots] that I bought for myself for my 20th birthday. Every once in a while I will go out dressed exactly like I dressed 10 years ago, 20 years ago, whatever. Somebody actually asked me if it was 145 me circa 1996. I was like, ‘yeah actually.’ It's exactly the same thing I wore then. The same clothes, everything.” —Kathy A. “So just a general...boots or combat boots, or kind of like [skate?] shoes. Either like cargo shorts, like Army style, or a black or dark color cargo shorts. Or blue jeans or black jeans that are ripped in the knees, preferably. I kind of like this 80s style - maybe it's coming back now.” —Ben Conclusions There is no simple way to answer the question “What is punk dress?” The interviewees’ responses indicated that it cannot be quantified or boiled down to an exact definition. However, there were insights from the participants about overall themes, both cultural and physical. The lasting physical styles include general aesthetic parameters such as chunky, black, silver, and also include specific garments such as boots, fishnets, t-shirts. All of these are part of aesthetic themes that will be further discussed in Chapter 6. Although form is important, overall themes describing punk dress were often culturally or motivationally oriented related to attitude, time commitment and differentiation from others. Regarding how they personally wear punk dress, one significant theme that emerged from the interviews is that there is often a difference between how punks define the physicality of iconic punk dress, rooted in the 70s British styles, and how they actually wear contemporary punk attire. This is for various reasons. 146 They are much more focused on motivations, perception, expression, and attitude than on staying true to a uniform. This is where their work dress comes in because punks are potentially more flexible when it comes to work dress than an outsider may believe. Also, even though their outward punk appearance may not be stereotypically representative, they may be more committed to punk than an outsider may realize, as subtle punk cues are commonly deeply embedded. How Key Themes of General and Personal Punk Dress Fit Within FVC Framework When evaluating the responses about punk dress generalities and personal punk dress behaviors, it became clear that the participants’ answers fit well into the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998) with which I will look at punk dress and its relationship to the workplace. In their descriptions it was evident they considered how the item was styled, how they viewed themselves and perceive they are viewed by others, and the physical and cultural context of their dress. Below I have matched the themes that emerged with the FVC framework. Respondents’ “General” Theme Descriptions of Punk Dress • • • • • Form: DIY/lack of branding can go along with DIY sort of Viewer: identity/mentality/attitude/argot Viewer: the way it’s put together/identifying like-minded versus posers Viewer: know it when I see it Viewer/Context: differentiation against mainstream/ differentiate self from others even within punk • Form/Context: time invested/attention to detail 147 Respondents’ “As Worn” Theme Descriptions of Personal Punk Dress • • • • • • • • • • • Form: one of a kind/DIY/vintage/used Form: piercing/hair color/tattoo Form/Context: tattered Form: accessories/men’s accessories are sometimes their facial hair. Form: jeans and t-shirts, shorts, hardcore/casual style/ bands. Form: black Form: boots Form/Viewer: punk by wearer definition/how you put it together Form/Viewer: punk by wearer definition-how you wear it Viewer/Context: 70s/80s classic iconic style Context: punk by wearer definition-where you wear it and the related details. Continuation To Further Data Analysis Chapters 6 - 8 will split the framework into the separate categories of form, viewer, and context, and address each component as its own chapter. In those chapters I will delve deeper into the literature ideas presented in Chapter 2 about work dress combined with participant data and literature concepts presented in Chapter 5 about punk dress. 148 Chapter 6: Data Analysis Using Framework - Form Introduction To Form Chapter 6 accomplishes two goals. It helps to evaluate the form portion of the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998), and although it helps look into multiple research questions, it most specifically addresses R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-relatedthoughts and behaviors? and R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? And with its discussion of appearance labor it begins to address R3. What are punk individuals’ experiences in relating their punk dress and workplace dress? Form is clothing, body, and how clothing and body interrelate (DeLong, 1998, 11). Form can be looked at regarding the ways punks use specific aesthetic concepts of form, particularly in the workplace. Appearance labor and form can be looked at together to determine what accommodations punks do to manipulate the specifics of form for the workplace in order to accomplish goals. Chapter 6 primarily focuses on dress forms in the workplace context, however some information regarding dress in other contexts is revealed that helps shed light on any similarities and contrasts that develop depending on context and adds to the discussion on appearance labor issues. What Is Punk Dress; What Is Work Dress R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the 149 respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? As described in Chapter 5, the punk dress forms commonly discussed by the respondents for their personal wearing include characteristics such as the color black, heavy accessories, boots, garments that are used, tattered, and manipulated, piercing, tattoos, unnatural hair colors, and facial hair, the use of band logos, and plenty of jeans, t-shirts, and hooded sweatshirts. We also learned that form is a flexible concept as cultural and motivational concepts are relevant to punk dress, possibly allowing for any garment to become punk. R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? Chapter 2 summarized work dress. Companies have a keen understanding of workplace symbolism and link dress to desired output. An employee representing proper workplace attire is viewed as a reflection on his competence. Studies have found that nonnormative appearances can be viewed negatively by coworkers and specifically by organizational administration. (Ligos, 2001; Swanger, 2006). Yet additional studies have shown the difficulties in one individual balancing the dress of multiple identities when certain dress behaviors of their identities are potentially viewed as nonnormative in the workplace (McCloud, 1995; Skidmore, 1999). This task of finding the right dress professionally and personally is further complicated by two factors. First, the exact form of proper workplace dress varies depending upon the job and organization specifics and seasonal needs and 150 regional customs (Bowman & Hooper, 1991). Second, standards in appropriate attire have trends, and in recent years have fluctuated back and forth between business formal (such as suits) to completely casual (such as t-shirts and jeans), and with varying levels of acceptance of the dress influences of women and minorities. This relates to the punks experiences with workplace dress. The punk interviewees were asked: How would you generally describe dress for a workplace? and How would you generally describe work dress as you have personally worn it? Their responses included characteristics such as the following bullets that were deciphered using the TAMS coded data: • • • • • • Business casual Formal as compared to informal Clean, neat, well pressed, groomed, starched, and crisp Dress shirts/collared shirts Sometimes ties Pants that are not jeans 151 • • • • • • • • • • • Colors: Blue, khaki, red (depends on hue), black Not creative clothing Sweater Suit Blazer Dress shoes/no open toes Plain/boring/blah/reserved/traditional/conservative/modest Skin coverage of tattoos and sexuality Muted cosmetics Nylons/tights Goal for comfort, emotional and physical-not always reached In Chapter 6 I discuss how participants actually wear work dress, and how they manipulate form to include or void out punk dress from that equation. Aesthetic Concepts Aesthetic Concept: Expressive and Referential Characteristics Regarding aesthetic specifics, punks actively consider expressive and referential characteristics when dressing for work. expressive characteristics. Expressive characteristics arise directly from what is seen without thought (DeLong, 1998, 14-15). For the punk context it can be examples such as the use of color or dirt/cleanliness and the emotions they evoke quickly from viewers about discomfort, lack of caring, disdain for convention. Similarly, dark colors such as black are used for indicating intimidation or harsh feelings, neon colors indicating excitement or aggression. 152 For the workplace expressive characteristics can be neatness and well-groomed meaning goodness, rightness, and healthy and pale and earth tones colors meaning calm and passive and agreeable. referential characteristics. In Chapter 5 it was discussed that much of punk dress contains referential characteristics that are based in knowledge about the forms’ meaning within culture (DeLong, 1998, 15). This results in a great deal of historical referencing through dress to subcultures of the past that influenced or overlap with punk. They often pay homage to subcultures of the past and the music acts or notable figures from them. Many are aware of punk history and have adopted various looks from within it, then incorporate things that are distinctly their own, and things that are mainstream contemporary and functional. Examples are the beatnik or mod movements, counter-cultural icons like the Ramones or Bettie Page, and brands that were preferred by previous subcultures, such as Ben Sherman and Fred Perry. “You look on a record and you see someone wearing something and you go ‘I want to do that because the guy in that cover of the record did that,’ which I've done many times when I was younger…That's where you get your fashion from is from record covers. So, unintentionally, someone might do something on a record cover and spawn a whole bunch of other kids peg rolling their jeans because that guy peg rolls his jeans, well it's punk to me because you did it. So justifying it because people did it before you on a punk record is punk.” —Alex 153 “I would say now, I still have certain goth leanings still that I will dress like sometimes. And the whole kind of Bettie Page 50s thing I like to do, although I like to do my own spin on it and not look exactly like that. But that’s the thing I’m most into now is kind of a ‘50s look.” —Tara “I read a lot about punk fashion and more so mod fashion and dandy fashion. And so then, Oi! [subgenre] fashion and a lot of that stuff. All ties in together...Ben Sherman [brand]. And maybe some Merc [brand], Lonsdale [brand], all those mod and oi-oriented fashions are all work-related punk dress. Everyday punk dress, I wear a lot of sleeveless band shirts…I look at Anthrax [metal band] and go ‘Oh, yeah.’ Or I look at a punk band; they were all wearing sleeveless bands shirts. I mean Vans, we're [his band] sponsored by Vans. We get free Vans. They're kind of an iconic punk shoe to a certain degree. But then also like Nike high-tops I think of that more as like a metal thing. But the metal crossover was crossing over with punk. So it's kind of punk too.” —Alex “Even when I kind of femmed it up in the mod vein of things. It still, even though it was a skirt, it was plain.” —Marla Referential characteristics are important for work dress as well because individuals want to look like the title, the career, or certain positive stereotypes for 154 her or her workplace. Examples of how this manifests itself are a suit and tie indicating looking like management and in control and high heel pumps appearing feminine. Complying with any workplace stereotypes of dress indicating that you are reinforcing the ideas they have grown to represent about preparedness, cohesion, competency, and professionalism. Alex has found a way to be referential simultaneously with work and punk dress. His workplace appropriate black and white, button-down shirt has small non-confrontational repeating pattern, yet what is barely noticeable to the naked Figure 2 Alex and His Union Jack Button-Down Shirt eye is that it is actually the Union Jack, which is a cue to his interest in British culture, specifically subculture, to anyone who notices and understands. Aesthetic Concepts: Frequency of the Garment Form Specifics I looked at popular ideas from respondents about specifics of form for punk dress and work dress. Table 12 represents how many times a code is mentioned throughout the interviews. These responses were across different people. It was important to confirm that the numbers did not represent one 155 person mentioning the code all of the times counted, but in fact the code is prevalent across many participants. Table 12 Coded Interview Data - Popular Codes Codes Mentioned 100+ Times Pants_not jeans T-shirt Accessories Fit Sleeve length and pant length Jeans Comfort-physical and emotional Skirts Tattoo Distressed clothes Color>black Neatness well groomed # of Mentions 214 200 196 179 157 149 144 123 121 119 108 107 Form components mentioned the most times in the interviews and/or by the highest number of interviewees: • The most popular color overwhelmingly was black. Khaki (not always a positive mention but heavy rotation for work), and references to dark colors followed in number of mentions • The most popular brands: Dr. Martens (25 mentions across 10 people), 156 Ben Sherman (15 mentions across 3 people), Fred Perry (21 mentions across 4 people), converse (10 mentions across 8 people), Dickies (14 mentions across 3 people) Dockers (6 mentions across 4 people), Levi’s (4 mentions across 3 people), Vans (7 mentions across 3 people) • The most popular shoe: boot (90 mentions across 15 people), sneaker (46 mentions, 11 people) • The most popular shirt: t-shirt (200 mentions across 20 people), dress shirt (65 mentions across 16 people), sweatshirt/hoodie (35 mentions across 11 people) • The most popular style references: “casual” (61 mentions across 15 people), “goth” (22 mentions across 5 people), “business casual” (40 mentions across 14 people) The lowest number of times something was mentioned was 1. This was anything from certain style references such as “country,” or specific garments such as “lingerie”, or brands like “Ralph Lauren.” The highest number of times something was mentioned was 214 times, which was “pants not jeans” (a category I created that included cut-offs and shorts, therefore not always an indication of formal dress). “T-shirt” closely followed behind at 200 mentions. Aesthetic Concepts: Discussion of Garment Form Specifics Now that I have presented an idea of the generalities about workplace form for punks, I can discuss some relevant aesthetic concepts. A ‘look’ or ‘style’ is the distinctive arrangement and interaction of line, shape, color, texture (DeLong, 1998, 12-13). The data regarding the following aesthetics concepts 157 was based on the interview responses. line and shape. Punk and work shapes often tend to be in opposition to one another. A punk style may have hard edges, defined lines through cut and trim such as zippers, and chunky, oversized pieces mixed with undersized tight garments. Work shapes tend to include softer edges such as twin sets for women, smaller features such as delicate jewelry and shoes, and equal proportions such as neat suits rather than strong distinctions of large and small. There are very flowy shapes in punk, whereas the participants mentioned drapey skirts for work. Punk does include some rounded edges, such as loose t-shirts and baggy denim pants, but also lots of harsh, sharp lines of stripes and leathers and denser fabrics that appear too heavy to be fluid, even when the actual edge of the garment is rounded. Work also has a structured shape and lines when it is business formal, but business casual’s use of knits and softer pants, such as drapey khakis and flowing polyester skirts, softens those edges. Both punk and work contexts change line and shape with trends, such as the varied subgenres of punk or the ongoing formal vs. casual battle in the workplace. Additionally, occupational cultures will somewhat dictate workplace shape and line as teachers, financiers, and advertising personnel do not always share the same aesthetic. Fit was occasionally mentioned. Punks seemed to want things that fit properly in their punk aesthetic, and were less concerned about the fit of their clothing within the work realm. They would refer to things being ‘dowdy’ and ‘illfitting’ for work, even if to the outsider eye there were fit issues with punk clothes as well. Trends in punk such as ultra skinny jeans, very baggy jeans, tight baby- 158 doll t-shirts, layered and asymmetrical clothes may not appear to have proportions worked out, but they do for the punk aesthetic. The punks do seem to have some emotional trouble with the conventional work proportions, as generally work clothes are designed to fit fairly close to the body, with none of the figure hugging or exaggerated components common in punk dress. Work dress fit is not about drawing attention, thus making the body asexualized and highlighting few bodily regions of emphasis. Punk is more about emphasis through proportion. color. Color is one of the most important issues in punk aesthetics, which could be determined by the frequency with which the participants discussed it. Punk colors tended to be darker shades, especially black, but the interviewees do incorporate brights when the color is so neon it can be deemed almost obnoxious. black = punk. “We're [his band] walking down Main Street whatever city, and there's some other people. And you can tell, oh they're wearing black t-shirts and Doc Marten boots or whatever. Chances are good that they're probably connected with or listen to the same kind of music we do. Maybe we'll go up and talk to them, like ‘Oh hey, I heard you guys were in town. I didn't know who you were, blah blah blah.’ And you can start conversations that way. I mean it definitely helps traveling to different cities, like we have to make friends...if I were just, I guess I don't know, a regular person. However you 159 define regular person, looking to make friends in another state or city where I haven't been. I'm guessing it would be a lot harder for me to do that. But because of the punk rock culture, punk rock dress and things like that, it's easier to make that connection.” — Ben “I don't wear skinny black jeans and whatever. Sid Vicious style attire to work. But I may wear that outside if I so feel like it. I tone it down.” —Alex “’Oh, I totally think that's punk rock.’ I think maybe the only thing would be a black wife-beater that I have. Some Doc Martens shoes that I have.” —Danielle Work dress colors tended to be pale neutrals including khaki, pastels, browns, black, grey, blues and greens in the mid-toned. The interviewees told multiple stories of not liking khaki. These ideas are then reflected in punks’ interpretations of colors for work that they feel is often a different palette than their punk dress. khaki = work. “It would feel untrue to myself to be wearing khaki stuff all the time outside of work because, I don't know. Just because of the cultural association. Yeah, khaki is a very good example. Keep that in the workplace…khaki is a workplace thing.” —Nate 160 “Khaki…Professional. And they're just so blah.” —Marla silver/metals = punk. The participants had many mentions of studs, spikes, chains, safety pins, buckles, piercings, and padlocks as jewelry. While color was not always specified verbally, through their garments worn and brought with, as well as through my knowledge of common punk appearances, I took the color as implied to be silver or related tones. This was also because participants would often use words such as “metal,” which tends to mean gray/silver. “Silver, not gold ever. More is merrier…I’ll wear gold to work but typically would not wear gold out anywhere really. It’s not really my preference and I don’t feel like it’s expressive but I have some of it, so I utilize it for work purposes. I would say less is more.” —Audra “Also attention to detail. You'll see…more silver. Silver skulls or something of that nature and rings and...bracelets.” —Sean “I like silver, I like a lot of jewelry…still and I can get away with still a lot of that. Even in a work situation.” —Denise “Spikes and aluminum and metal kind of stuff is definitely not work. I shouldn't say that because I do sometimes wear a spiked belt.” — Danielle Another issue with color is the use of silver and not gold. I suspect this has 161 to do with gold’s history of association with luxury and wealth and silver’s association with work, tools, industry, city, and urban life. The way those colors shine and tarnish is different, and the shades they match well are also different from one another. Plus, gold in contemporary times is often associated with women, and with flashy guys, and silver is more so associated with across demographics. When in aggressive or chunky shapes, silver even takes on a masculine appeal, thus making it much more androgynous and aggressive than gold, which are characteristics common to punk dress forms. The further appeal of silver for punk dress appeal might have to do with shine, reflective qualities, armor, battle, and light properties within it. Sean even discussed how much he liked how noisy all the metals were clanging against things that it was an intimidation factor and an attention grabber. These themes match punk’s ideology. Gold’s delicate and luxurious appearance makes sense in association with workplace goals of making money and rising up a ladder, as well as respectability. other colors for punk or work. Other colors that were mentioned for punk were the dark shades of colors such as blue, red and green, as well as neon or extreme brights such as green and hot pink. Other colors that were mentioned for work are brown, white, and pale or mid-tone colors including French blue, Kelly green, teal, lilac, and gray. There are few overlaps between punk and work, however the punks sometimes try to interject their punk color preferences into their work wardrobes. Gray can overlap as can a small amount of red. Brown can overlap in shoes, but less so in clothes as its rarely used in punk. For most colors it depended on the hue, brightness and saturation. The 162 more extreme in darkness or brightness equaled punk; the more middle of the road equaled workplace appropriate. White is generally more work, but there is a subgenre of punk often referred to as hardcore, which frequently dons an athletic wardrobe and in that case the use of white for t-shirts, headbands, and tennis shoes gained popularity. pattern = either environment depends on details. There are patterns that have become ingrained in punk style, and others in workplace styles. Sometimes they overlap although often they differ, although there is probably more overlap in pattern usage between punk and work contexts than there is solid color usage. Patterns can pay homage to subculture’s of the past such as hound’s-tooth, check, and stripes. Also, multiple patterns worn together can appear punk because it is harsh on the eye. Punk frequently uses plaid, band logos, and repetitive patterns of icons such as skull and cross bones. In the workplace one can use many of the same patterns, but in more subtle ways and never with the goal of being hard on the eye through contrasting patterns or bright colors in the pattern. Some patterns were mentioned as being geared more so to workplace use such as florals and pin stripes for their cues as feminine, nonconfrontational, or conservative. “I have a, I don’t know if you call it, a fisherman’s shirt, or a prison shirt, where it’s black and white stripes all the way down. And I layer that under stuff and I just wear it by itself all the time. Yeah there’s a bunch of stuff I can wear to both [punk and work contexts] that I have worn to both.” —Brian 163 “It’s [punk] also defined kind of in the patterns I wear. And I embarrass my husband a lot by sometimes wearing two or three plaids together, especially in the winter. Houndstooth, argyle. It actually comes across more now as more of a new wave ethic than punk rock.” —Chrissy “I'm not in a sundress. Not a lot of flower prints. So there's still that androgynous side to it.”—Marla When Nora became a teacher she thought she needed to buy long floral patterned skirts to look mature, professional, older than her students, and gender conventional. “I shifted into, like I'd wear a button-down Ben Sherman and a jean skirt. Or I'd wear a soccer jersey and a pair of Dickies. Hoodies...this is Chicago. In the winter, my uniform is hoodie and jeans at work. Because it's what's comfortable. So I went to more what's me, what's comfortable, what's genuine. And haven’t bought a flowered skirt since.” —Nora Patterns have a strong symbolic connection for the interviewees as both expressive and referential in the way the shapes and colors appear as well as what cues the pattern represents. texture = depends on context. Texture is another aesthetic concept that came up repeatedly when discussing form. There are some textures that cross 164 over between work and punk including tweed and corduroy. Others however remain strictly geared toward only one context. Examples included leather being relegated to punk, whereas woven synthetics, especially for pants, strictly considered a workplace texture. “Yeah, most of my leather and fishnets are in punk and work is mainly polyester blends.” —Katie “I wouldn't wear some of the things that I wear to work [in punk contexts]. I wouldn't wear my billowy polyester pants.” —Marla “It’s a harder look than most. Like hard as in the materials are rougher, heavier. Definitely more I think constricting. Not always the most comfortable, but just it’s almost like more of a [‘shell’somewhat unintelligible word]” —Stacey Aesthetic Concepts: Frequency of Form vs. Geography, Age Bracket, and Occupation I reviewed a selection of the popular items/styles that received a high volume of codes to see if it was apparent that demographics were impacting the participants dress behaviors. Results indicated that there were limited differences in their responses based on those demographic factors. Below are some of the most significant findings regarding Form and demographics. I chose to take a close look at geography, age, profession, and gender because those characteristics were some of the basic qualifications for participation, as well as 165 some of the most likely demographic divisions between participants’ dress behaviors. • Black color: All 20 participants mentioned; thus demographics such as geography, age, job and gender did not matter • T-shirts: All 20 participants mentioned; thus demographics such as geography, age, job and gender did not matter • Casual style: All 20 participants mentioned; thus demographics such as geography, age, job and gender did not matter • Neatness: All 20 participants mentioned; thus demographics such as geography, age, job and gender did not matter • Distressed clothes: All 20 participants mentioned; thus demographics such as geography, age, job and gender did not matter • Suits: 18 participants mentioned including all of the male participants; other demographics did not matter • Boots: 15 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, all five participants who are aged 36-45 mentioned, diverse professions • Business casual for work: 14 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, 4 of the 5 participants from the 36-45 age bracket, 10/14 are office workers in some capacity • Hair dye: 14 participants mentioned, in all three cities, men and women, 11 women and 3 men, diverse professions • Khaki color: 12 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, 4 of the five male participants, only two in the 36-45 age bracket, diverse 166 professions • Skull & crossbones: 10 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, both age brackets, diverse professions • Dr. Martens brand: 10 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, only one in the 36-45 age bracket, 5/10 in education • Plaid patterns: 8 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, only one in the 36-45 age bracket, diverse professions • Converse brand sneakers: 8 participants mentioned, no Detroiters but two are Chicago transplants originally from Detroit, men and women, 4 of the 5 male participants, only one in the 36-45 age bracket, diverse professions • Target stores: 7 participants mentioned shopping there, all three cities indicating it is not just Twin Cities residents (Target HQ), only women, both age brackets, diverse professions • Fred Perry brand: 4 participants mentioned, all three cities, evenly split between men and women, all 26-35 age bracket, 3/4 in education or youth services • Ben Sherman brand: 3 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, all 26-35 age bracket, education and design professions dominated • Dockers brand: 4 participants mentioned, all three cities, men and women, 3 women and 1 man, both age brackets • Vans brand sneakers: 3 participants mentioned, all Detroiters or former Detroiters now residing in other cities, men and women, all 26-35 age 167 bracket, diverse professions • Dickies brand: 3 participants mentioned, no Detroiters, men and women, both age brackets, diverse professions The frequency statistics indicate that demographics such as age, geography, and gender rarely factor into the form of dress. The sample is within two chronological age brackets (26-35 and 36-45), and they often speak about dressing different than younger punks, which is something possibly interesting for future study. Type of occupation was shown to not greatly affect form, however, it will be further discussed in Chapter 7 regarding viewers, as it came up more frequently as relevant in that portion of the FVC framework. One thing to note is that many of the participants have relocated throughout the Midwest and thus have lived in more than one of the cities included in this study. I have personally lived in two of the study cities and actively visited the third, and have noticed subtle regional stylistic differences in punk dress. However, in this particular research it was found that there was little variation based on participant geography. This may be due to the number of participants (20), the fact multiple individuals have lived in more than one city, or the particular interview questions. It is also possible that within the nature of relationship between punk dress and the workplace small form variations for either context are over-ruled by conceptual commonalities. As the findings in Chapter 5 indicated, much of punk dress is rooted in cultural and motivational characteristics rather than form specifics, thus the participants may have not focused their answers on form details that have manifested in one geographic region or another and instead discussed broader conceptual issues and form 168 generalities. The way they answered the questions about work dress was similar. Appearance Labor Appearance labor: Accommodations Form has a direct relationship to appearance labor for punks in the workplace. As a result of their appearance labor, the punks are quite appearance conscious and develop accommodations to alleviate the stress. Participants make accommodations to fit into the workplace such as removing piercings, covering tattoos, keeping hair standard colors. Sometimes, especially when they are new to a workplace or position, they make grand accommodations such as adopting whole styles that differ from punk that help them fit into their new context, such as suits, blouses, and twin sets. Some express they often do not like doing this drastic of an accommodation, as it is emotionally uncomfortable. Others express that it is fine to make radical appearance changes if the workplace is emotionally satisfying. This indicates that it is circumstantial when, why, and how accommodations were performed, and has largely to do with personal emotional issues regarding being content, and with the workplace culture itself. Therefore not every participant performed every accommodation, and personal formulas need to be found to alleviate appearance labor. accommodations, age, and looking good. When considering their accommodations, they have strong opinions about what they think looks good on them. There is great interest in looking flattering and attractive, with acknowledgement that these conventions may differ within the community of punk from the mainstream world. So, they do not just take punk style at face value, they adapt it to their own physique, their age, and what highlights their 169 best features. Accommodations are made regarding how their body changes over time, but often these are not sacrifices and instead somewhat benefit them for increasingly fitting into a mainstream workplace. Examples discussed in the interviews included a woman who has gained weight no longer wearing miniskirts or a man who is losing his hair no longer wearing a mohawk. Further examples are below: “Just as I’ve gotten older, I try to dress more age appropriately…I mean I still want to have some trendy items. But I try to have classic pieces that will last longer. And I’m more interested in having clothes that are made of high quality that will last longer and just look more classic and not be out of style the year after I buy it. So I for sure have changed the way I dress as I’ve grown up like most people do.” —Tara “I used to be way more outgoing, way shorter, way tighter. Or way baggier sometimes. Definitely the more outlandish and those things are pretty much gone, either given away or sold to my friends.” — Stacey “Part of it is age. Part of it is as I’ve had more and more straight, normal jobs I’ve gotten away from it. In the late 90s when I worked at Northwest, I got away with a lot more unusual clothing than I could get away with now. The high, lace-up, knee-high Doc 170 Martens. It would get a lot more noticed now than when I worked at Northwest, when it wasn’t such an unusual thing. So I’ve toned down a lot, and again…part of it is being in my 40s now.” —Kathy E. The idea of being age appropriate was commented on by multiple participants with regard to adults not looking like an adolescent who is trying hard to prove how extreme he is. Participants made comments about the overt punk style being associated with youth. Thus punk style varies as they age and often it matures and takes on a toned down version. So, as they age and their bodies change, and their workplace roles change, the way they express punk is more subtle, more nuanced and quietly coded, and in an effort to look mature they end up looking more mainstream to the unknowing viewer outside of the punk subculture. Another accommodation is buying on a budget, which is born of the responsibilities of aging, and so they have to consider how many clothing items they can afford and their versatility. “I would say like, most of the clothes I wear or buy, I can wear to work. Most of them. I mean there are certain things I buy that are go out dancing things, but that’s a very small part of my wardrobe…I mean even with casual Fridays, you can wear jeans to work. So there isn’t a whole lot, maybe some t-shirts and stuff that I can’t wear to work.” —Tara 171 Participants such as Tara spoke of trying to buy garments that can be worn in multiple environments. This differs from the way they described their youth, when they tended to use disposable income to visually express themselves very blatantly, without regard to the cost of the clothes or whether they were multi-purpose. Appearance Labor: One Closet, Two Closets, and Somewhere In BetweenThe Part To Whole Relationship Another method of accommodation the punks utilize when dressing for work is deciding how to incorporate or not incorporate their punk style in the work environment. This can be categorized into different strategies based on whether per context they have different wardrobes, one wardrobe, or a mixture in between. They use specific aesthetic ideas about dress forms for the workplace, punk, and a middle ground. When looking at the concept of one closet/two closets in Chapter 6 it is about form and from the point of view of “how” they perform their dress behaviors. This concept will be addressed again in Chapter 8 but instead it will be “when/why” they perform those dress behaviors in certain contexts. The different types of dressers have variation on how extreme their take on things is, but both one closet and two Figure 3 Nora-One Closet 172 closet individuals experience some amount of appearance labor. This is manifested in the part-to-whole relationship (DeLong, 1998, 12-13). For the individuals oriented toward one closet, there are two methods that were discussed by the participants. There are those who try to remain as punk as possible yet still comply with workplace standards. An example is Nora who wears almost exclusively punk themed brands and styles, but at skirt lengths and in colors that are workplace acceptable. She is also heavily tattooed, but her tattoos are thematically related to her career as an educator. So her workplace dress strongly represents her punk style, and she is able to maintain more or less one wardrobe, but even in its strong punk appearance it is slanted toward workplace appropriateness. None of the interviewees discussed the opposite approach, maintaining one closet that is conventional workplace dress being slanted toward punk usage. 173 Another method of the one closet approach are participants who described that their wardrobe fall somewhere in the middle of work dress and punk dress. Denise is an example of someone who is very conscious of Figure 4 Jonathan-One Blended Closet appropriateness for work but tries to incorporate her punk preferences. She uses colors like black, red, and silver along with chunky shoes and hooded zip-up tops alongside garments with a formal/mainstream appearance. Further choices in fabric, cut, and brand help her to appear conventional, business casual, or business formal when needed. Her wardrobe is not as consistently punk as Nora’s, but instead is more mix and match between contexts. Jonathan is another example of someone who uses this approach, as he always wears athletic shoes with his business suits except when he is in the courtroom. 174 One closet individuals focused on “the parts” aiming to push boundaries yet balance. They are very aware of what punk and work both should look like, Figure 5 Zhac-Two Closets and are striving to find what how they want to appear within those two parameters. They actively use form details or parts as cues and expressive ideas in relation to the whole look. These details of the dress form include length, reveal and conceal, accessories, and brand affiliations. Many cues embedded in the details are referential, paying homage as a signifier to others that they are in the crowd or secret symbols, be it at work or in punk. Participants oriented toward the two closet approach have worked out a system using “the whole”. They wear suits in the workplace or colors such as green and khaki in ensembles, and then come home to jeans and t-shirts, punk leathers, and band logos. Examples of individuals oriented toward two closets 175 were Matt and Audra, who wear business suits with virtually no outward signs of their punk interests. They are trying too look conventional in their workplace and not stand out too much. Zhac is another example of someone who maintains two wardrobes for her office space and punk environments, with radically different color, texture, and line forms. Appearance Labor: Dress Up and Casual Throughout the interviews, there was relative consensus shown through the emerging themes of how the participants describe punk dress and work dress. Yet one area without consistent agreement was what it means to “dress up,” although it was a phrase and concept that was discussed repeatedly. Some aesthetic characteristics seemed to be associated with both punk and work dressing up such as: smooth textures, expensive fabrics, and shininess, and use of rich or bright colors, and attention to fit. Other aesthetics seemed to be associated with both punk and work casual such as: metals, subdued colors, cottons, lack of fit consciousness. Neatness and cleanliness did however seem to more clearly indicate dressing up and therefore was more frequently associated with work. Dirtiness and tattered apparel seems to indicate casual and was more associated with punk. In those instances, there was less overlap. Some felt that the combination of items that composed work dress was the equivalent of dressing up. Often they were the participants who wear jeans, tank tops, and t-shirts at home. “Well, obviously business suits are always workplace dress. I wish I could rock one of those. They look so great on people sometimes. 176 But I would say a blouse, pair of conservative shoes, maybe slacks or khaki pants for a dude, or a chick. Skirts that hit the knee at the very least. Shorts that hit the knee at the very least, if it's more casual type workplace. More dressy. A little bit more effort. Somebody who looks put together.” —Kathy A. Ben’s work dress was always somewhat separate from punk and more dressy and became increasingly so as he moved up the ladder. “When I was working for the program [as a lower level employee], I guess it was a little less formal...I could get by on like a collared shirt or a collared sweatshirt kind of a thing and a pair of jeans or something like that. When I became director, I stopped doing that. I became a little but more formal in the way that I dressed. So that was a change, but again it wasn't...I wasn't wearing any punk clothes or I wasn't wearing band t-shirts to work and things like that, or ripped-up jeans.” —Ben Others felt work dress was mundane and that punk was when they dress up. They were often the participants who dress influenced by retro, goth, or iconic punk at home. Chrissy expresses that work is more dressy and punk more casual, but, that punk is also where she has more fun and she paints work as a place she has to tone down and has less enjoyment. 177 “I think the only thing that might separate from what like I wear to work versus what I wear at home versus what I wear to when I got to a show versus what I wear out is all sort of dealt with sort of a formality. Because I do work for government, and I do staff a commission and I’m part of public hearings and I meet with the public a lot. I do have to tone it down however…Going to shows is always something a little more comfortable, sometimes shabby…You know, going out with friends, more casual but I think I kind of try to have more fun.” —Chrissy Rachel describes that her dressy clothes for work are not appropriate for her punk or nonwork contexts and she even feels “dorky” wearing them. “I guess if I were going out, I mean I wouldn't wear like my dress pants or I have nice slacks I wouldn't wear. I think that yeah, of course that there are clothes, there are pieces of clothing that I would wear solely to work because otherwise I'd, you know, like I have one of the things I pulled out is a polo, it's like a polo shirt kind of shirt. I would never wear that if I had, I don't know why I have it. It's kind of like I don't know why I bought it because it seemed work appropriate. And I will say it's super comfortable and I actually think it's really flattering and I love it. But I wouldn't wear it out, like if I were going out in the evening I would feel like a big dork wearing it.” —Rachel 178 This difference in opinion of what it means to dress up seems to be related to which type of dress necessitates more effort, as well as which evokes more natural feelings of sense of self. The more effort and less natural seems to equal the idea of dressing up, and the more emotionally comfortable and less effort seems to equal casual or mundane. Therefore, it does not paint the idea of dressing up as positive or negative, as some have disdain for dressing up for work, while other love dressing up for punk. Among the participants, some dress up for punk almost as much as they dress up for work, some have found a casual wardrobe that works for both contexts, and some choose to dress up for one context and not exert that energy for the other. For those who use the two closet approach previously discussed, some, such as Matt and Audra dressed up for work because it was a totally separate aesthetic identity, and often they liked to be casual outside of work. For the two closet individuals it is partially about a willingness to abandon sense of self in the work context regarding dress and focusing on viewer interpretation more so than wearer expressiveness. Although some of those who utilize the two closet approach, such as Zhac, did explain that they enjoy aspects of dressing up for work and in dressing up for punk. This seems to partially be about a willingness to go the extra mile expressing oneself through dress and whether one finds enjoyment in the process. Those oriented toward the one closet approach seemed to maintain that idea of blending or mix and match for most of their dress behaviors. For the one closet individuals, it is about finding a sense of self in career and punk and applying it similarly in all contexts. Dress up versus casual is often conflicted by aesthetics and is related to 179 social cues and emotional comfort. Participants do not always mind the idea of dressing up, but attribute it to something requiring effort, and possible appearance labor. They explain that when this effort is for work instead of for punk that extra expenditure may result in feeling less connection to one’s own identity. Dressing up could then either be an expression of a best or desired presentation of identity, such as in punk, or, a masked version and toned down version of one’s identity hidden under more layers, such as at work. Within punk it often seemed to be described as a most glamorous version of oneself for special punk occasions. Within work it seemed to often be a mask, costume, or a totally separate identity. Conclusions The main points of this chapter are that interviewees use aesthetic concepts that I related to form and those concepts are definitely connected to the overall picture with viewer and context. Different parts of form have meaning, and they understand that and are thoughtful about it. There are overall meanings about the cultural understandings of punk dress and work dress universally discussed by the punk participants, and, there are individualized ways each participant manipulates form to suit their environment as well as suit their quest for identity expression and goal of professional achievement with limited appearance labor. The different issues regarding form and appearance labor may not be laborious in the sense it causes intense emotional conflict or pain for these punk workers at the age/point of career they are at, but more so related to practicalities such as time, money, and having multiple modes of identity expression. Some indicated it was more complex having different visual modes 180 of representation. Others expressed that it was tougher having one blended mode as they were constantly wrestling with boundaries and issues of appropriateness. 181 Chapter 7: Data Analysis Using Framework - Viewer Introduction Chapter 7 about the viewer accomplishes two goals. First, it helps to evaluate one portion of the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998). Second, it delves into answering all of the research questions, most specifically focusing on R3. What are punk individuals’ experiences in relating their punk dress and workplace. It evaluates this by reviewing respondents’ commentaries on their dress-related-thoughts and behaviors regarding their work and punk dress styles as they relates to aesthetics and identity expression, keeping in mind how they view themselves and how they are going to be viewed. The interview data were reviewed and thematic categories emerged based on ideas that were mentioned frequently. These include each of the following: Different Viewers, Viewer and Occupation, Blending In vs. Standing Out. Each of these areas within the idea of viewing was brought up as a pressing issue regarding punk dress and the workplace and participant effecting appearance labor. Different Viewers Punks Viewing Themselves There are multiple sides to the idea of viewing. The first topic to discuss is the viewer as himself, because the punks commented on the fact they view themselves often and try to think of reactions that might be generated. They also consider levels of their own emotional comfort as related to being pleased with how one views oneself. As discussed in the methodology chapter, a goal of this study was to do this research from the wearer’s perspective. Therefore, 182 establishing how they view themselves is a good place to begin. An example of being concerned with reactions from others based on how you view yourself is: “That’s kind of weird that I myself am self-conscious and worried about how I’m portrayed to other people but I really don’t care too much about what other people would think. It’s more what I think.” —Stacey Throughout the interviews it became clear that there are significant issues with emotional discomfort rooted in the idea of not being “yourself,” particularly with regard to efforts to function in the workplace and dress appropriate in that context. Below are participant examples about emotional comfort and discomfort: comfort. “I’ve always been searching for a style that I feel most comfortable in, that I kind of feel is a reflection of just kind of how you feel on the inside.” —Katie “If I walk in somewhere, a show, and I feel comfortable, more comfortable dressed a certain way, then that too is positive and that maintains that style for me, or helps support the maintenance of it.” —Marla 183 discomfort. “I guess I don't mind being on parade on my own terms. I don't like being on parade when someone pulls me aside and all of a sudden I'm on show…So that's kind of negative.” —Alex “I don’t want to look boring and nerdy and everyday.” —Brian Part of the reason emotional comfort is so pressing is because these are individuals who originally did not fit within the confines of society, and through persistent searching found that the punk subculture was an outlet to best express their identity. Consequently, many do not feel wholly comfortable in the mainstream, and often never have. “I tried to fit in in like 7th and 8th grade and…I realized this just isn't right. This isn't for me.” —Denise Their adult workplace, which is associated with mainstream society, can function as a sort of re-living that experimentation of youth, and having to find their way all over again. But now they have some of the confidence of adulthood, and the fact they know that punk does bring them closer to a comfortable sense of self. 184 “The appropriate attire is pretty easy for me. So that really isn’t an issue but I’m trying to kind of bend it a little is what I enjoy doing. I like being appropriate and yet individual.” —Zhac “More of what I've been focusing on for work is to do something that looks more like a funky alternative version to whatever everybody else is wearing. But it still stays up with the fashion of the time.” — Denise “I don't really push the limits of the dress code or what's accepted. I would feel kind of affronted if I had to really conform in this really buttoned up kind of manner. But I do try to make it obvious that when I can that ‘Hey, I'm into punk rock’…But when I'm at work, yeah. I try to conform with the expectations.” —Nate “And I do try to look nice. I try to keep jeans to once a week. But if I'm having a week where I'm feeling casual, I'll wear jeans and a hoodie everyday. So it has also changed in that I make my own definition of what's appropriate and what's suitable for work.” — Nora The punks are trying to “be themselves” yet still fit into what is expected from them at work. Punks Being Viewed By Others The wearer is also concerned with how she will be viewed by others. 185 Staying with the notion of the wearer’s perspective, rather than studying how others view punks, I wanted to look at how the punks feel they are being viewed in the workplace and their perception of the reactions that are generated from their appearance. When donning punk dress, the wearer picks up on the reactions of others. Participants interpret positive and negative reactions from others, and, they have mixed opinions about these reactions. Based on perceived viewer reaction, and what the wearer was trying to get across with her dress, a range of emotions can result for the punk. While not all of these viewing interactions take place in the workplace, some of them do, and those that do not continue to effect punk dress behavior in the workplace because of their experiences. apathy toward outside viewer. There can be apathy when the punk claims to not care what the reaction is to their appearance: “And seriously, it’s like I just don’t care anymore about dressing up for anyone.” —Stacey happy over positive reactions. There can also be happiness that their appearance was positively received if that was their intended goal. “Maybe every once in a while I'd be like ‘I want to look cute and I want people to think I look cute.’” —Kathy A. “There was one time where there was this little girl. And I was on my way skating [skateboarding], and she was just like, ‘You look 186 really cool.’ And I don't remember exactly what I had on. It was probably something that was close to uniform…like high socks and it's a wife-beater t-shirt with this skull and crossbones symbol on it. And I wasn't geared up or anything, so just had boots or whatever on…And she just kept going, ‘I really like those shoes. Where did you get those shoes? I wonder if I could have shoes like that one day.’ ‘I like your hair.’ ‘Did that hurt,’ ‘Can I touch it?’ because I have a piercing in the back of my neck…So I thought that was really cute…little kids are so curious about things and they are just so interested in what they see, and there's not a lot of bias. There's not a lot of fear or anything like that.” —Denise “If I'm at a show and I'm wearing some band shirt, some guy's like ‘Hey, that's a great band.’ It's nobody that nobody's ever heard of. ‘Sweet man,’ kind of made that instant connection.” —Jonathan mixed feelings about negative reactions. There can be disappointment when an unintended negative reaction happens. “Even going to the mall, people would pull their children closer to them like you’re going to eat them or something. So that was definitely all the time. Going to high school, just the normal heckling that you get from all the prep kids.” —Tara 187 “I was a little nervous about having my nose ring again...I mean it's so tiny…some people don't even know I have one, like they don't even notice it. But I'm really conscious of it and I'm a little selfconscious because I'm afraid that people will snap...make snap judgments based on something that I'm wearing.” —Rachel There can also be joy when a negative reaction happens if it was the intended outcome. Multiple punks said that they relished the feeling of making others uncomfortable. Perhaps it is retribution for their years of bring made to feel uncomfortable by people in the mainstream. “I guess like the other day, I was riding in St. Clair Shores on my motorbike with a few friends. And I had this sleeveless Hellmouth [his band] shirt, and just seeing all of those like ultra-rich mansions around there, I was concerned with how they perceived me because I hope they perceived me as a threat whether I was or not. I mean I'm not. But I like the idea of being like the rebel on the motorbike who, like the long hair, tattoos, sleeveless shirt and whatever skulls and shit like that. Because I thought maybe some people would get the wrong idea or whatever. And it's kind of fun to be in like a motorbike gang, driving around or riding around. So in that instance, it was a conscious decision…I was like, I'll go fuck with some rich people.” —Alex 188 “Being the kid walking down the hall in all black with combat boots on and red eyeliner and half my head shaved. The looks I got and the reaction I got from people…they got the fuck out of my way…[this] was I would say my first almost tangible positive experience because that was good. That was exactly what I needed for that time and place.” —Nora surprised by viewers reactions. Sometimes a positive reaction can generate good will for the punk even though it was not the wearer’s original intention. He could be trying to send one message with his attire, but it can be interpreted incorrectly and can have a reaction that benefits him anyway. “I can't think of one particular experience, but it seems to me people...even though I feel like I look like I'm not very approachable, people come up and talk to me about whatever. Old men talking about whatever shirt I'm wearing, and ‘Yeah, that's a nice shirt.’…Or some kid saying ‘Hey, I really like those earrings, I really like those shoes, I really like that skirt, whatever, where'd you get it from?’ I don't know why people feel the need to talk to me when I'm trying to look scary. But they do and it's just always been that way…I don't have to be the person who approaches other people. I'm kind of shy in that way. I'm not very good normally of just going out there and doing whatever. So that's kind of my way of 189 saying ‘Hey, I'm doing something different if you want to talk to me about it’ without actually talking to anybody myself.” —Kathy A. Punks know their aesthetics will not always be interpreted exactly right, and so sometimes they are flexible and appreciative of whatever attention is received and they work with it. Punks Viewing Others Continuing on the idea of the wearer’s perspective, the next viewer idea to review is that of when the punks are viewing others. The interviewees frequently pointed out that not all viewing is done by outsiders judging the punks; but, there is also the punks judging outsiders, particularly with regard to workplace dress. When the punks view their coworkers they can have strong reactions, both positive and negative, often resulting in evaluations of others based on dress. The punks expressed that they often find some coworkers dress poorly, look uncool, are sloppy, dirty, unfashionable, overly sexualized, and generally inappropriate at work. “It's business casual, which you know is an ambiguous term…They don't expect you to wear a tie. Although I do wear a tie sometimes. Need to wear collared shirts. You can't wear jeans. You're supposed to wear dress shoes. So that's kind of ambiguous and open-ended as it is. I just kind of think to myself as long as I look good I don't care if it breaks the rules because I'd rather look good and break the rules than have something that fits within the rules 190 and looks scruffy. Or looks sloppy. A lot of them [coworkers] do. So I think I look better; they might be within the rules but I look a lot better.” —Alex Although the punks interpretation of fashion may differ from the mainstream, they expressed a clear understanding of workplace appropriateness, and they feel their coworkers often fall outside those boundaries. Alex and other interviewees discussed that an unseemly coworker is can be more offensive to workplace appropriateness than an individual wearing elements of punk dress. Viewer and Occupation Another concept that I reviewed for Chapter 7 was the idea that there may be a link between viewer and type of occupation. Based on the literature, my own workplace experiences, and speaking with the interviewees, it is apparent that occupations and workplaces differ in their dress expectations. Dellinger (2002) spoke about occupational culture and organizational culture influencing how workers dress. Therefore the interviewees have different experiences with workplace dress as they represent wide-ranging professions from teachers to lawyers to a financier to an advertising agency art director. Levels of business dress formality and acceptance of creativity and individuality in attire are established based on occupational and organizational cultures. The participants explained wanting to be viewed as successfully representing the dress ideas of their professions and specific workplaces, but also wish to do so being “themselves.” 191 Those in professions such as art teachers and advertising agency workers, including Denise, Alex, Rachel, and Danielle expressed that they sometimes incorporate creativity and casual dress into their appearance. However they discuss that they do not push it too far and stay within the confines of acceptable for their workplace environment, as not stand out too much to viewers. They want to be perceived as artistic but responsible. Those in professions such as government, lawyers and corporate finance, including Jonathan, Audra, Katie, and Matt, relied on traditionally business formal attire such as suits, skirts, blazers, button down shirts and subtly rebelled through accessories such as tennis shoes, earrings, and facial hair. To viewers they want to be perceived as competent but somewhat independent without being confrontational. Throughout the bulk of the interviews it was described as common for the punks to use clothes to manipulate their surroundings and their coworkers’ views of them for more than promotions and a nonconfrontational workday. Adjustments to their punk and workplace dress behaviors can provide numerous workplace benefits. One example is Denise, who said her punk appearance assists her college-age female psychology clients to relate to her. Clients have verbalized to her that her edgy appearance makes her increasingly approachable to discuss highly sensitive personal issues, in contrast to the distance they feel from parents, teachers, or other so-called authority figures. Marla has found the opposite to be true for her profession as a schoolteacher. She explained that she works in schools in rough neighborhoods, with children who have behavioral issues and frequently do not respect authority. By eliminating overt punk dress 192 from her wardrobe, such as concealing her tattoos, she creates the necessary emotional distance between her and her students to effectively gain control of a classroom and earn their respect. She said she does not want her students to see her as “too human” as their ability to relate to her breaks down her authority. Blending In vs. Standing Out: Why/When/How Generating reactions is rarely a passive activity for the punks. As discussed above, the punks frequently respond that they do self-viewing, are highly self aware of how their dress affects how they will be viewed by others, and then manipulate appearance accordingly. They discussed adjusting their appearance to blend in or stand out to the viewer. When addressing this concept in Chapter 7 about viewers, the focus is “perceptions/why” they want to blend in or stand out. This concept will be revisited in Chapter 8 as it relates to context, and then the focus will be on “when/why” they want to blend in and stand out. Blending In Many participants, including Audra and Kathy, discussed blending in at work. “I wear plugs [stretched earrings that look like large studs] to work. But they have to be plugs that don’t appear to be plugs. Yes I wear my tongue ring, but that’s because you don’t see it when I’m speaking at a meeting or something like that.” —Audra 193 [After dying her hair a vibrant red.] “I felt like a cartoon character. And I decided that since my hair was like that, I was going to dress as professionally as I could.” —Kathy A. The goal is to get their job tasks done with little challenge, not draw negative attention to themselves with possible bad outcomes, and potentially draw positive attention to their accomplishments that will lead to career advancement. To do this they often feel they need to represent mainstream accepted ideas of workplace appropriate dress. Standing Out In contrast with blending in at work, participants such as Alex and Tara discussed visually standing out in punk. “Overall, I don't really have too many negative [experiences regarding dress]. It's just my friends busting my balls, you know because even though they're punk I'm a little more like flamboyant in certain regards with punk dress because I like more mod culture and a lot of that was to, I've got four-inch side vents [unintelligible] five-inch side vents in my jacket [blazer] and I've got six-inch, you know it's all one-upmanship. So I kind of to a certain degree, I'm a show-off sometimes with clothes. But it's an expression of what I like, so my friends want to bust my balls I don't care.” —Alex 194 “Before like crazy hair color for sure. That’s one big part of it. Dressing like, I don’t know, more to like stand out and taking more attention to what I wear, not just throwing on jeans and a sweater, but actually you know, layering things on, lots of accessories. I guess I just take more time when I’m doing that than I do in my everyday wear.” —Tara The participants addressed wanting to differentiate themselves from the mainstream and often from one another. They want to use visual cues to indicate a kinship with the punk community, and express common subculture identity characteristics, but also feel a sense of freedom in punk to express unique aspects of one’s identity. These individualized aesthetic expressions are not necessarily accepted in the mainstream and/or in a workplace. Sending a Message Blending in and standing out relates to the notion of sending a message. The participants repeatedly described that they are involved in viewing themselves and aesthetically expressing themselves, and aware of how others view them. They then consider these factors when frequently trying to communicate ideas through their dress choices. Danielle expresses a sentiment heard from numerous participants about the importance of aesthetically communicating her workplace identity. “When I'm at work, it's something different. I have to cover up my tattoos. I have to look the part of an educator.” —Danielle 195 Sending a message through dress is highly relevant for the workplace as there are multiple ideas they want to communicate in that environment such as professionalism, identification with their title or role, and job competence. Pushing Boundaries The final idea regarding blending in and standing out is establishing what the acceptable dress boundaries are, so one can decide whether to fit within them or outside of them. It was evident from the qualitative coding of the transcripts using the TAMS software that the overwhelming majority of participants considered this concept. The coding showed 16 individuals discussed the concept of pushing boundaries and 18 discussed appropriate workplace dress with 19 discussing inappropriate workplace dress. “I don’t really resist it so much as I just try to blur the edges of it, you know and so far I’ve been pretty successful with it and in my previous jobs as well as in my current job. My clothes are always clean, they’re not wrinkled, they fit well. But I try not to be boring.” —Zhac “Not that many lawyers have beards and I sort of view it as this extremely mild act of rebellion to have facial hair.” —Matt “I think I comply pretty well. The only thing that I probably have one of the longer haircuts in the office and that's more a financial burden. Will I get my hair cut every month? No, not going to 196 happen. But yeah, I mean I comply. And the tennis shoes of course, which bothers some people. But I'm not breaking the guidelines. I think the shoes are pretty much my one thing of resistance.” —Jonathan [When she dyed her hair bright red] “I did it on Good Friday, so I had a whole weekend to look at myself and go, ‘I wonder if I pushed it. I wonder if this is that one step too far.’ I went online and looked at the handbook.” —Kathy A. The interviewees frequently pointed out that it is not that they are unaware of traditional boundaries, or unable to discern them, but it is that they may interpret the need for boundaries differently than some coworkers, or believe in different standards altogether. This is not dissimilar to the previously discussed notion that some participants their punk/work dress decisions are more attractive or successfully put together than coworkers’ mainstream business attire. Many of the punks strive to push conventional boundaries even while they are simultaneously trying to blend in the workplace. They want to find a comfortable balance. Viewer and Appearance Labor The interviewees discussed that their dress considerations often had to do with how they were being viewed by themselves and others, and their resulting emotions on that subject. The amount of appearance labor in their experience is connected to the idea of emotional comfort/discomfort. The more discomfort the 197 interviewee expressed, it is likely they have experienced more appearance labor, as will be described in the bullets below. They expressed reasons related to the concept of appearance labor when making accommodations regarding their workplace dress, and have found the accommodations alleviate some of the stress and benefit them at work. The interviewees amount of appearance labor might have had to do with their type of occupation, how long they have been there, what the dress code rules are at work, and how long they have been involved in punk. Multiple interviewees connected these factors with their level of stress regarding their appearance. Furthermore, levels of appearance labor are related to how different their work dress is from their nonwork dress, whether they get to express punk ideas through their job tasks, and how connected they feel to their punk ideals. Below are some examples from the participants’ interviews that reflect their levels of appearance labor and their workplace experiences: Rachel, a teacher, has a nose piercing, She feels connected to punk and loves her profession, and thus is conflicted about her piercing at work where it is deemed inappropriate. She greatly wishes it was more acceptable and that she could blend her wardrobe better. She has fairly high levels of appearance labor about it. Stacey, an office worker and Brian, in sales, each have multiple tattoos. Both identify with punk and neither feels connected to their profession. They conceal their tattoos in the workplace, and although express mild irritation about it, they mostly expressed low appearance labor as they say their nonwork contexts are where they use aesthetics to express identity. 198 Jonathan, a lawyer, feels connected to both punk and to his profession. He has found that he experiences low appearance labor when he can incorporate what he considers an edgy appearance into his business formal dress, and does so through wearing tennis shoes and shaggy, unkempt hair. Katie, who works for a veteran’s health-service organization, feels connected to punk and completely disconnected to her profession, which is one she does not enjoy at all. She said ill-fitting, conservative clothes are a necessary imposition that come across as a costume and feels like a farce regarding her identity. This causes her high appearance labor. Audra, a financier, wears business formal suits. She feels strongly connected to punk and to her profession, both of which she greatly enjoys. While she feels the suits are like donning a front, she does not mind as she links the workplace dress to positive workplace outcomes in that context, combined with the fact she expresses high self confidence about her identity and her relationship to punk. Through this she expresses low appearance labor. Appearance Labor: Effects of Perceived Relationship of Work to Punk Repetitive responses in the interviewee data indicate that if punk and work concepts are related there is potentially lower levels appearance labor experienced. That may mean participants are fine with dressing in suits, or, they get to incorporate punk styles into work. It is less about the form the dress takes, and more about emotional comfort regarding dressing for work. “I would not say totally separate, certainly. Because to me, punk has...for myself, the connotation is much more of an idea of 199 rebelling against the powers that be. Whether that's the government or big business or that sort of thing. And I see the kind of law that I practice is very much fitting in with that. And so I tend to view punk as much less about a style of clothing and more so about a way of being in the world. A way of seeing yourself vis-à-vis larger institutions. So I certainly don't view the two interests as being all that separate because I don't really think my profession is necessarily keeping me from dressing some way that I want to. I don't wish that I was wearing ripped jeans and a Ramones t-shirt to work, I don't really care that I'm not. Only to the extent that I might be more physically comfortable if I were.” —Matt “They're connected because I thought maybe I could do graphic design and stuff like that because I would maybe do fliers for shows that I put together when I was younger. So my interest in design came from doing punk activities like putting on shows and making fliers and that kind of stuff…I still do that for my own band. I design our albums and shirts and stuff so that is design and I'm a designer. So the two correlate. And I sometimes get inspired by punk when I'm designing something at work depending on what the product is, obviously. If it's a Lincoln, there's no expression for punk. But if it's like a Mustang, I might do something that…I might have gleaned some information from like a punk record or style and I'll translate that into work and nobody knows it. But to me, I'll just be designing 200 a punk record and not tell anybody. And it turns into like a quick reference guide for a vehicle.” —Alex “Well, I used to consider the punk world and the work world, I tried to keep those as separate as possible because I mean, I guess for obvious reasons I've found out, there's a little bit of clashing going on there. But as far as what I was interested in at work, like benefiting community, making social change in the community. That kind of thing plays over into the punk world as well. Like being in a band I can write songs about topics and concerns that I think are worth singing about. I was doing youth work in the schools. Generally the punk population is younger, like the shows that we play…But it's generally a definite younger crowd so on some levels that could still be considered youth work…So in some ways, they're similar and in some ways the worlds that I was working were two very different things. Two very different places for me.” —Ben If they can correlate punk ideas through their work tasks, dress becomes a secondary route to express punk concepts, with the primary route being their workplace actions. Matt, Alex, and Ben were among those that thoughtfully discussed the relationship of work and punk. Appearance Labor: How Much They Are Defined by Their Work Impacts Comfort in Work Dress The interviewees were asked how much they are defined by their work. 201 Their responses were telling regarding a link between their feeling of connection to their chosen profession and the resulting levels of appearance labor when dressing for work. “My job tends to be a means to an end. I mean I do a good job and I try hard at my work, but it’s not a big part of my identity. It’s a way for me to provide a lifestyle that I want for myself.” —Tara “I thought when I started IT [information technology] that it would just be kind of a transitory job. But got kind of stuck in with it and really was able to shape my personality around the job. It changed me obviously in some ways, and especially working for such a large company now. But it defines who I am from the perspective of [unintelligible] monetarily. I mean it gives me a standard of living that I can pretty much do whatever I want because of the salary I get. So can't walk away from that. But it also defines me as a personality in that...fixing really complex and cracking really, really hard problems just fascinates me. And it allows me to be really mentally challenged every single day that I'm working. So I think it really, really does define who I am. And no matter how much I...I'll never be able to walk away from the fact that I'm...a computer geek. So much in the way I'll never be able to walk away from the fact that I was punk rocker and still am. So yeah, definitely my work defines who I am. Probably more so than I would be comfortable 202 saying earlier in life. But now you look back and you say whatever, it's who I am. I'm a geek.” —Sean [Referring to her job] “It is of absolutely no importance. I hate it...I try to have as little contact with people at work as I can...I don’t have any involvement in my workplace culture.” —Katie From these above quotes, Tara is concerned with making a good impression at work and also concerned with experiencing personal enjoyment in her dress experiences. Related, although Sean’s work dress differs from his nonwork dress, he enjoys his career and consequently does not mind the laundry and extra effort put into his work attire. Tara and Sean contrast Katie who dislikes her work and consequently has great disdain in dressing for work. Those who felt a positive connection to their work identity they often were more comfortable dressing for work and experienced limited appearance labor. Those with less connection to their work identity seemed to experience more appearance labor. As seen in the bullets above about the participants’ levels of appearance labor and their work experiences, Katie and Audra both said their work dress was a front, but Audra did not mind, as she enjoyed her work, while Katie found the whole experience taxing since she did not enjoy her work. Participants who enjoy their profession and can tie positives outcomes to their workplace dress and seem more willing to don a front that differs from punk dress. 203 Conclusions There are multiple ways punks view dress in the workplace. Throughout the interviews, all of the punks described participation in viewing of themselves and others, and explained how they manipulate their appearance per situation. Rachel, Nora, Nate, Denise, and Zhac all explained that one objective is to be viewed as competent and professional in the workplace. There is also often a desire to be viewed as one’s true self, which many associate with their punk identity, but this is of greater concern when self-viewing then when being viewed by others. Katie, Marla, Alex and Stacey all described efforts to maintain their sense of self through dress and prioritizing their self-viewing over third party viewing. Furthermore, those who feel their job is a way to define them or to express punk concepts, such as Matt’s views on being a lawyer, are more flexible in their workplace dress, more emotionally comfortable dressing for work, more willing to inject themselves into their dress, or willing to abandon themselves and dress strictly appropriate for work. Regardless of their specific accommodation, they express higher overall comfort than those who do not feel defined by their work or able to relate punk and work. 204 Chapter 8: Data Analysis Using Framework - Context Introduction Chapter 8 accomplishes two goals. First, it evaluates the context portion of the FVC framework (DeLong, 1998). Second, it delves into answering all of the research questions and focuses specifically on the sub-questions of R3, which are: r3a. How do punk individuals change or shift the apparel-bodyconstruct for their workplace environments? and r3b. How are specific items of dress re-purposed in different ways for punk and work identities? Context is both physical and cultural, and the interviewees addressed both of these arenas in their responses. The same interviewee may have addressed multiple contexts within her answers, meaning she thinks in a complex manner when considering context. Chapter 8 primarily focuses on the context of the workplace since that is the dominant goal of this study. However, it is necessary to touch upon issues of nonworkplace contexts that were discussed in the interviews, as those experiences influence interviewees’ perspectives regarding their workplace dress. I discuss overarching ideas about dressing contextually, as well as the physical and the cultural contexts that affect their dress behaviors. Dressing Contextually Repetition in the interview responses indicated that the majority of participants are aware of the overall idea of both cultural and physical contexts, and attempt to dress accordingly. “I do like to dress appropriately for the occasion. If I’m going to Ground Zero [night club], I’ll still Goth it up like even at this age. If 205 I’m going on a boat, I will wear full nautical wear. If I’m playing tennis, I’ll wear a tennis skirt. In Palm Springs, I totally did my hair 50s and looked 50s while I was there. Like I just, I love themes. I like anything that can be theme-y to me. So I’ll do it. That’s the only way I’d say that I alter things, just to make it as theme-y as possible with what I’m doing.” —Tara For Tara dressing contextually means almost creating a themed costume per environment so that she is perfectly aligned to the situation. Generally, the participants discussed that it means trying to figure out what may be appropriate per situation, and matching their dress behaviors to the context. General Emotional Comfort As discussed in Chapter 7, emotional comfort based on how one expresses their identity aesthetically is important to the wearer and makes them feel good. Below are some examples of interviewees’ statements about emotional comfort. “I'd rather like the way I look or be happy with it than somebody else be happy with it.” —Ben “I like to feel comfortable in what I'm wearing because it just, I think it just speaks to kind of who I am.” —Denise 206 “I want to be comfortable. And part of being comfortable is not looking like I'm coming way out of left field. But then I don't want to look like a soccer mom either. So it can be a fine line.” —Marla Ben, Denise, and Marla all commented on the value in being able to aesthetically express themselves. They use words such as “happy” and “comfortable” regarding their emotional state when they feel they succeed in this process. This feeling of being content as a result of the dress choices they have made for their identity expression indicates that these participants are experiencing low or reduced appearance labor. This represents the ideas of numerous participants who expressed that they have the greatest success (and possibly the least appearance labor) when they are able to find a way to express their punk identity within the perceived limitations of appropriate dress for work. Rarely did the participants indicate they are willing to get this comfort at all costs though. General Physical Comfort Dress for a context is also based on one’s physical comfort. Some express this as equal to or even more important than emotional comfort. Issues such as body temperature and useful shoes were mentioned frequently. Rachel and Matt articulate some of these challenges: “Stuff that you can actually move in if you have to be moving around. Stuff like, for instance the heels. I guess that's a change 207 I've made is having to buy shoes that are comfortable yet cool.” — Rachel “For the most part at this point in my life, it just has to do with physical comfort. Physical comfort, or just wanting to keep the clothes that I wear to work in decent shape so I don't lounge around the house in them and get cat hair on them and things like that.” — Matt Interviewees did link striving for physical comfort with desires for emotional comfort as this brings up the concept of form and of viewer acceptance per context. They spoke of the difficulties in trying to simultaneously maintain workplace appropriateness with physical and emotional comfort. They want to feel they look “cool” but be able to wear sensible shoes, and, they want to have a satisfactory body temperature but need to conceal their tattoos under clothing layers to be appropriate. Physical Contexts I have divided the physical contexts described by the interviewees into four categories: Work, Punk, Everyday, and Other. This research is primarily focused on the workplace context, but will briefly address the other contexts since they affect the punks’ perspective on work dress. Work Context In the work context the interviewees would describe their dress using phrases such as: appropriate, inappropriate, neat, well groomed, clean, lacking 208 distress or signs of wear, feminine, utilitarian, business casual, and business formal. There is variety in their types of workplaces, which includes schools, offices, and public spaces. being fashionable. One goal for some interviewees was for their dress to be flattering, and possibly fashionable or trendy, but often this conflicted with their interpretation of workplace appropriateness. Some of the participants were better able than others at blending trends and fashion with work attire. Throughout their interviews, Alex, Tara, and Denise all discussed that they were concerned with incorporating their perception of fashionable attire into mainstream work dress. They all expressed a passion for fashion, above and beyond being appropriate for work or subcultural contexts and this was reflected in how they answered questions about both punk dress and work dress. looking the part. Another goal mentioned was to successfully enact the relationship of management and workers within their dress. Therefore some expressed that roles within a workplace can affect how one dresses. They try to function within the parameters of their workplace role. Danielle and Sean explain this situation: “Doesn't matter if you're working at a coffee shop, at the department store or at a law office. You want to be taken seriously and have people say ‘OK, this person knows what they're doing.’ If I went to my work all...wear(ing) ripped-up jeans and a t-shirt, they'd be like ‘I'm not leaving my child with this person. They're not an educator.’ But then you also have to get past that fact, like ‘OK, this 209 person does know what they're doing if they're wearing whatever...ripped up jeans and a t-shirt. They do know what they're doing because obviously they're here at this,’ wherever they're working for a reason. They know what they're doing. But when I hear workplace, I think of black pants, khaki pants, a more conservative shirt. Maybe a button-up shirt or a polo-style shirt. Not tennis shoes. Depending on what you do, I mean, depending on how comfortable you are in heels or flats.” —Danielle “Specifically for Grade level 29 and higher, which is like a manager, there's the unwritten rule that you should wear a tie. If you're a guy...When I became a manager…I did go out, bought a bunch of ties, bought a bunch of starched shirts and started dressing like a Grade 29.” —Sean tasks per day. It was also discussed that dressing appropriately for work was expressed as understanding how it plays into one’s tasks within a day. Tasks may include meetings with parents or executives, physical activities such as playing with school children or heavy lifting of retail products, or administrative work taking place in cubicle settings on computers. Varied tasks necessitate different attire, as described by the participants: “I'm definitely not looking punk in the courtroom.” —Jonathan 210 “Still sporting the tongue piercing although I’ll be taking that out for my sit-down with the executive today.” —Audra “I definitely wouldn't wear a t-shirt with the sleeves cut off to a work event unless it was the work picnic and we were playing tug-of-war, or we were going to...something like that.” —Ben “If I am going to court or if I am meeting with new or prospective clients, then typically I would wear a suit or something that would probably be considered business casual if I'm not going to court but I am meeting with people.” —Matt “I'm not going to wear exactly what I'd wear on any other day. I won't wear long sleeves and cover as many of my tattoos as possible, but I'm not going to wear a cap-sleeve shirt like this and have the tattoos blazing.” —Nora other issues. There was mention of additional factors effecting workplace contextual dressing that include seasonal conditions and coworker relations. Stacey mentioned she takes into consideration appropriateness for her work context at the expense of her own physical comfort in this example: “Even when the air conditioning went out the other day and it was 90 degrees in the office, literally 90 on the thermostat. And I really wanted to take that sweater off but I didn’t.” —Stacey 211 Punk Context The interviewees describe the punk context as going to bars, music shows, festivals and events, record stores, sports such as skateboarding, and general hanging out with friends. Denise is an example of an interviewee who dresses somewhat differently depending on which of those specific places she is going to. “If I'm going to a concert or something, I might wear something different than if I'm going to watch people skateboarding or something like that.” —Denise comfort. Physical comfort was discussed in numerous interviews as closely related to the punk context. The idea of “dress” clothes, which are often aligned with the work environment, are perceived as uncomfortable, due to being tight and restrictive, such as suits and high heels. Participants spoke of the punk context including less physically restrictive garments such as t-shirts, jeans and athletic shoes. However, Stacey and others did mention that physical comfort was sometimes also sacrificed in the punk context to increase emotional comfort, identity expression, and even physical safety, because of the shell-like protective qualities of some punk garments. Throughout Stacey’s interview she mentioned examples such as leather pants, bondage wear, heavy layers, and immobile heavily-hairsprayed/glued hairstyles. These examples can be more physically uncomfortable than casual garments such as t-shirts and jeans, but the increase in emotional comfort is due to their blocking out the mainstream world. Also, 212 fabrics such as the leather mentioned by Stacey, and steel-toed combat boots as mentioned Nora provide physical protection. physical comfort in punk. Chrissy and others spoke of the physical environment of music shows and how it is impractical to wear uncomfortable clothes such as high heeled or open toed shoes. Such choices even risk physical harm due to crowding. “Normally it’s just a matter of comfort. Normally the shows where I wanted to be up at the front, I always made sure I had good shoes…I’m not wearing anything that I care about getting beer spilled on or ripped or stolen. And you know, that actually, the show thing changed too when St. Paul and Minneapolis and then Minnesota became non-smoking. Because there were definitely certain items I would not wear to a club because the smell would last and linger and if it was a vintage item or something that couldn’t be cleaned easily, I didn’t want to risk ruining it.” —Chrissy emotional comfort in punk. Nate articulates the thoughts of multiple participants who spoke of punk as “true” or “thorough” representation of their identity, whereas work is a role identity they take on temporarily. He wants to represent punk in the punk environments, but also beyond and into other contexts if he feels he can get away with it with limited negative ramifications. 213 “I definitely put more effort into what I'm gonna look like outside of work because that's really who I am. And I'd rather show what's on the inside more outwardly even though, not in a flashy way…I'd rather represent what I'm a part of if I can.” —Nate There is some apprehension about work dress and punk dress overlapping. This goes two ways. While many discussed not wearing too much overt punk dress in the workplace for fear of negative results, some, such as Nora, also then continue to monitor how much punk dress is worn even in punk contexts. “I'll do a miniskirt and thigh-highs or a miniskirt and fishnets, which I would never...and you know what, I won't wear that to an all-ages show because I've run into students at almost every show I've ever gone to.” —Nora For Nora and others this is because of concern for work problems to stem from their social choices. In this age of online social networking, it is common to hear of employers checking photos on facebook and other sources on the Internet for “bad behavior.” “We were playing this show in Boston and I decided to take off my clothes and just try to make people feel uncomfortable at the gig or whatever. But there were some photojournalists there that took pictures. They wound up in the zines, they wound up on the 214 Internet. But all you could see was me from the waist up. You couldn't see anything that would have been...private. But you could see me without a shirt on. I'm not in the best shape, look kind of ugly. But people where I was working at the time…I was working like a 9 to 5 job behind a desk, saw it...they did some research on me. I try to keep my band life and my work life separate. But they found it and they printed them out and circulated them. And I ended up losing my job because of it. So that was a rather negative experience that had a larger financial impact on my life and what was going on at the time.” —Ben Ben’s experiences reflect the worst possible outcome from this issue. Everyday Context The third context I will call “everyday.” This refers to hanging around one’s own house, going to run errands such as the grocery store, and casual family activities. Sean, Zhac, and Matt describe the thoughts of multiple participants in their descriptions of a third form of dress for this context that somewhat differs from work and punk. “Kicking around the house, I'll wear a Hawaiian shirt. And generally they're a little bit more edgy or whatever, but...that kind of identity is a little more laid back.” —Sean “As soon as I get home, I put on something comfortable.” —Zhac 215 “On a typical day when I come home from work, I want to just change into jeans and a t-shirt or something like that, just to be comfortable and not worry about getting things on myself.” —Matt The everyday context is neither the blatant self-expression nor subcultural affiliation of punk environments, nor is it the rigid appropriateness and possible conformity of work. It involves a loosened concern for viewer perception and includes choices such as jeans, sweats, t-shirts, no make up, and not shaving. Some punks described that the everyday context was closely tied to the punk contexts, as punk was so all encompassing in their identity that they wear punk dress everywhere. “There used to be a time in my life when I was doing really elaborate stuff with my makeup and my appearance. I used to wear these crazy headscarves and I would paint my whole face. And I couldn’t leave my house without doing all that, even if it was just to go down to the corner store, you know. And that could take up to an hour to do all of that just to walk a couple blocks. So I’m probably not that concerned anymore. You know, I can go to the store without any makeup, with my hair sticking up kind of funny and just thrown some sunglasses on and fuck anybody who looks at me funny.” —Zhac Findings indicated that as punks mature they are wearing punk dress 216 more specifically to punk contexts and that the everyday is often a casual and laid back version of punk dress, or not correlated to punk dress much at all. It is toned down, but not for the same reasons the tone down punk dress for the workplace. Other Contexts The fourth physical context can be called “other” and encompasses the remaining situations described by the interviewees such as weddings, family occasions, and romantic dates. Other may include garments from punk dress, work dress, everyday dress, or altogether different items. Below are examples from the participants about their dress for the other contexts: “Because my comfort and my identity sometimes does need to be shown a little differently in different settings. Just for an example…Going to see my husband’s grandmother, who we haven’t seen for a little while…I’m wearing shorts and a t-shirt and he kind of puts on like a nice button-down to go see her. Looks at me and says, ‘Are you going to wear that?’ And I’m wearing a Dischord [punk record label] t-shirt. And I’m like ‘Oh, if I was going to my family’s house I wouldn’t have thought about it,’ but going to his family’s house and I’m like ‘OK, I’ll put something else on’…So I have my conscience and my thoughts about how I dress. Then there’s what’s appropriate, that sometimes I need reminders.” — Chrissy 217 “If I was going out with I guess like a girl or something like that, and I would obviously want to look, I'd be more concerned about how she could potentially perceive me. It's kind of case-by-case basis. I am aware of people's reactions but it doesn't mean that if someone didn't like something, it would probably egg me on to do it more than it would be to make me change it I guess.” —Alex “If I was going to a wedding like I did about a month ago, obviously I dressed up. I tucked in my wallet chain in the pockets so that wasn't like poking out, and didn't look rough or whatever. So that's about it. I suppose if I was going out on a date, I wouldn't wear a Poison Idea t-shirt, which I like that band, I wouldn't wear the shirt because it's not really appropriate. I'd probably wear something a little bit nicer because, just out of respect for the person I was going out with and to show them that I actually care about the situation and not like, ‘Oh here's something I picked up off the floor.’ So that's pretty much it, otherwise I pretty much wear the same basic thing everywhere I go except for some of those exceptional situations.” —Nate Often other is greatly related to viewer as a third party and social expectations. There is some room though for identity expression as on romantic dates there is a desire to connect through visually demonstrating one’s psyche and taste. Overall the expressed other context was often a time for dressing up in 218 fairly conventional clothing or wearing garments they do not fully associate with a work, punk, or everyday styles. Cultural Context There are numerous cultural contexts, and so I will only address those that were most frequently brought up by the respondents and closely relate to this study topic of punk dress and the workplace. Age The participants discussed how aging changes one’s attitude over time regarding dress. This was also addressed in Chapter 7 regarding how the participants feel they are viewed regarding being age appropriate and looking good. “I’d feel ridiculous in my 40s wearing what I used to wear when I was a teenager.” —Kathy E. “You couldn't pay me to dye my hair magenta. Because I know how I would be taken and how I would be perceived. And that is no longer a benefit to me. Whereas in the past it was.” —Marla “The kind of stuff I was doing 10 years ago when I was young, I didn't know any better and I was more into like ‘Hey, look at me. I want attention and look how different I am from you,’ and maybe being different just to be different or being extreme just to be 219 extreme. And that's not something I can really relate to nowadays. Maybe that's part of getting older and maturing.” —Nate As the interviewees get older they are more flexible to blending in at work and in their everyday experiences. They run a sort of cost benefit analysis and many decide that there is value in not being confrontational at work, consider punk dress confrontational as it is viewed outside the norm. However, when they discuss the benefits of blending in at work they often couple it with discussion that blending in does not necessarily mean they are giving up their punk values. They explain that when they were younger they felt a need to be more shocking though dress, and that need changes with age. The Mainstream The way the interviewees discussed punk as positioned against the mainstream turned “the mainstream” into its own context. Work is generally then presented in the discussions as an extension of the mainstream. Within the physical context of work they lean toward embracing the benefits of blending in, in contrast to making the opposite decision when it comes to standing out against the mainstream in nonworkplace contexts. Gender Gender issues, and correlated issues of sexuality, factor into cultural contexts. Female interviewees including Marla, Nora and Rachel discussed ideas of appearing as a traditional woman and being feminine, toning down sexuality via longer skirts and not showing cleavage, and Jonathan addressed what was acceptable for men versus women in the workplace. 220 “I mean if I went in like spike heels, I think people would start to look at me funny. The thing this year that I got called out for is wearing a dress that, it wasn't that it was so low-cut, but it was when I bent over it drooped enough that you could see down my shirt. Now I had been wearing a sweater over it but I took it off at lunch, and one of the nuns pulled me aside and pointed out to me that the eighth grade boys might be a little more interested than they should be in my dress.” —Rachel “If I'm not in court, I wear my shoes, my tennis shoes all the time. And people really were like ‘What are you doing? Why are you wearing tennis shoes or whatever.’ Even though all the girls are allowed to do it, the guys can't do it. So I still do it. It's kind of a nice ‘fuck you’…They'll wear tennis shoes. Like when they get out, they take their heels off or whatever. I've seen some of them wear tennis shoes in court. And they seem to get away with it and, or they don't wear any shoes around the office.” —Jonathan Nora discussed her overall style, which includes her punk and workplace dress. “I'm well aware that other people don't think how I dress looks good. They don't think someone with really short hair is feminine and therefore attractive…I don't dress with my boobs in mind. I 221 don't dress around my boobs. So no, I don't care and I almost like it that other people don't find it attractive. Because the people that matter do.” —Nora In a hypothetical discussion about what type of shoes she should be wearing to teach, and trying to imagine the criticism she would get if she wore Dr. Martens, Marla said that she considers what would be comfortable and good for her feet. She imagines the principal might say to her: "Well, you're a woman, you shouldn’t dress that way." —Marla Marla talks about androgyny and professionalism intertwined. She does not want to look too sexualized yet feels appearing too masculine also makes viewers uncomfortable. Personal Feelings of Confidence in Context One theme that incorporates both the physical and cultural contexts is one’s sense of accomplishment and personal confidence within a context. Some expressed that their status or position within a context has a relationship to the way they dress. This is true professionally and socially, and reflects on their comfort, appearance labor, and resulting accommodations. Gaining a desired position professionally or socially is connected with the viewer portion of the FVC framework, but it also heavily reflects on context. Dressing appropriately within a workplace context can contribute to career success seen in positive outcomes including respect from coworkers and promotions. The interview data indicated 222 that participants, such as Rachel, feel there are benefits to dressing to reflect their role in their workplace. Therefore she and others take into consideration how punk dress is incorporated (or not) into workplace dress. “I think I definitely have tried to adapt my wardrobe so that it is appropriate. Because I also want to be viewed as a professional.” —Rachel The ramifications are similar within the punk subculture. There are concerns about having the right standing, and properly representing that position. It was frequently repeated throughout the interviews that the participants prefer to not wear work clothes in a punk context because of potentially appearing “uncool” or “dorky.” They are aware that the same garments that provide professional benefits and increase their standing in one context decreases it in another setting. Additionally regarding one’s confidence within a context, findings indicated that the longer a punk invests in time commitment to that subculture the less he feels the need to use aesthetics for identity expression of his participation in the community. Nate describes this issue below: “It’s definitely more casual the way I dress now, compared to how I was when I was younger, maybe a little less secure about being a punk rocker or whatever. And now that I've felt like I paid my dues more and I know, I'm secure in my position in the scene and 223 everything. And I know what I do is important and valuable to the punk rock community, I don't feel like I need to be as visually obvious or I guess stereotype or cliché. And I think, almost everybody I know…the volunteers at Extreme Noise [record store he volunteers at] are similar to me where they're not really outlandishly, obviously in a punk style. Like maybe they would dress in the U.K. in like 1982. I think most of the people who realize that fashion, the outward fashion, is more just a superficial thing in some ways. I think those are the people who are more involved and I think tend to be a little more intelligent because I know a lot of people who are into punk and have mohawks and whatever, are part of a style or the crusty style. They kind of put people down for not looking as obviously punk as, you know, what they would think would be obviously punk as them.” —Nate For work this issue can be more complicated. In some situations the punk in the workplace who has gained a desired position or spent enough time invested in the environment can express themselves more flexibly. Some describe that they start at a workplace dressing in one manner, and as they grow more confident in their position they feel they can incorporate more of their punk self and less need to conform to what they originally perceived as appropriate for work. This was seen in Nora who said she no longer wears floral skirts or Tara who dressed conventional when she moved to a new city for the sake of a positive first impression. 224 But, many indicated that at work it is not uncommon to perpetually need to represent themselves in a visually appropriate manner, and often workplace dress actually becomes more rigid as they go further up the professional ladder. While this is the opposite of the punk contexts’ approach, some participants, such as Audra, indicate she is comfortable with this process as her identity is becoming increasingly defined by her work and/or overall self-confidence in any environment regardless of dress. “I’m comfortable enough with myself and my lifestyle that it doesn’t bother me to express myself in a conservative wardrobe similarly to how I express myself in a punk type wardrobe. I feel more comfortable, obviously, in more comfortable clothes.” —Audra How Is It All Managed & Appearance Labor Appearance Labor: Pushing Boundaries One way the punks deal with the appearance labor sometimes resulting from complying with workplace contextual appropriateness is trying to push dress boundaries. Zhac has a necklace she likes to wear to work that has a skull on it that is hard to identify unless the viewer is quite close to her. “It’s got a big medallion with a bunch of dangles on it that’s the main focus and the little skull just sort of hangs off to the side. But nobody really notices it. But I know it’s there and it makes me happy.” —Zhac 225 She likes to use edgy punk cues to push limits, even if it is really only her noticing and functions mostly for the confidence in self-viewing her aesthetic expressions. More participants also discussed pushing boundaries. “I would probably skate the edge of it on certain days. Certainly more than, when I was first…still combat boot, fishnets, the whole bit. I mean even now, I wear pigtails to work all the time. I don’t dress professionally. I just kind of wear what I want to wear and as long as it meets the dress code, then I figure I’m cool.” —Tara “I’ve tried to wear more like office-type pumps and things like that and I have a whole bunch of shoes that I think would be more appropriate office attire, but I always end up wearing the most comfortable shoes I can get away with.” —Stacey Zhac, Tara, and Stacey accommodate for their appearance labor by developing an awareness of the boundaries and then trying to find a way to function with the limitations with emotional and physical comfort. Appearance Labor: Two Closet Vs. One Closet Individuals dealing with appearance labor often use the accommodation strategy for their wardrobe of splitting into two closets, or creating one blended closet. This concept was addressed previous in Chapter 6 regarding “how” they use that strategy. In Chapter 8, it is presented from angle of “when/why” they perform those dress behaviors. 226 two closets. Emotionally, the interviews indicated participants who enjoy or are comfortable with the notion of dressing up, feel that affinity toward fashion in both punk and work contexts. Thus, their workplace and nonworkplace dress may appear quite dichotomous, yet the enthusiasm shown for dressing in both contexts represent high comfort with idea of dressing up and thematically are not so different. Additionally, there are individuals who prefer to use dress to separate their work identity from their nonwork identities. The two closet approach is sometimes a fully embraced expression of each context. At work they are their most compliant as well as immersed in that role, in contrast with everyday or punk contexts where different aspects of their identity are the priorities. Furthermore, on a purely functional level, it might be hypothesized that the interviewees with the most severe office dress codes are also the individuals who maintain distinct two closets. One generally would not wear a suit to casual everyday affairs. So, there is a certain practicality to splitting up the wardrobe. one closet - blending. The desire to blend style into one wardrobe often leads to both work and nonwork dress appearing toned down. For these individuals the gap is too wide between say business formal and the 1970s British punk style. The interviews indicated that frequently those individuals who blend their wardrobes between punk, everyday, and other contexts tend to also blend for work as well. They are most comfortable with one closet in all contexts and they try to utilize everywhere with small adjustments in form. Often the interviewees indicated this blended look was generally leaning toward a casual style, as is acceptable in the “everyday fashion” around the globe (Craik, 1994, p. 205) however those who spoke of a higher level of interest in fashion did 227 incorporate what could be interpreted as dressier elements everywhere, such as Tara, Alex, or Denise. Marla discussed that she tends to dress contextually but with a common aesthetic thread running through her entire wardrobe. “I might wear a flowered shirt to work, but probably not out socially. And I wish that I had a word to describe that, if you just took one snapshot and one snapshot. But I know there has to be a common thread because my identity isn't that...they're not that separate to where it's like, if a coworker saw me on a Saturday night leaving a punk show, they're still going to recognize me. It's not going to be like ‘Holy shit [participant’s last name]. What? This is who you are in your spare time?’ And vice versa. If someone I knew solely from my social life saw me at work, they wouldn't be like...I don’t think there would be laughter or ‘Oh my god, you look ridiculous in a tie’ kind of thing. But yet it's funny that we still sometimes feel a little ‘Oh, this is...I think I might have taken the conservative too far’ kind of thing. So again, I think it's shoe choice, on a casual level. Am I wearing my Vans or what. And the tattoos again. Are they visible.” —Marla Emotionally, the one closet group could be interpreted as less interested a full identity expression via aesthetics in the work or punk contexts. It also could be hypothesized that those participants who are defined both by their profession and by punk ideals like to feel their can express both identities in all contexts. 228 Furthermore, some also expressed that functionally there are practical issues driving their behaviors, such as a limited budget for buying too many clothes. Appearance Labor: Blend in Vs. Stand Out Depends on Context In this chapter the concept of using dress to blend in vs. stand out it is about the “when/why” they make each choice per context. This concept was previously discussed in Chapter 7 from the angle of why participants perform those dress behaviors with the viewer’s perceptions in mind. Findings indicated that context plays a role in whether a punk chooses to use dress to draw attention to themselves and create distance, or, to fit in creating closeness with those around them or go unnoticed altogether. Below are examples from the interviews of the choices about blending in and standing out: blending in at work. “I’m comfortable with my lifestyle and who I am. My piercings are expressive and I can use them when I want to have them as an expressive part. And I would say I do the exact opposite [of trying to stand out at work]. I try to conform to the environment. I shift the earrings I’m wearing and the clothes that I’m wearing. I actually thought about getting a couple tattoos recently and they would be in places that wouldn’t be a challenge for me to have the wardrobe that I need for work, be conducive to work with the tattoos. I would say I don’t resist at all.” —Audra 229 “Because I work with students, and it's in an academic environment, for that end of it, there's not too much. But I can't...the one thing that they don't want me to do is sort of look too young, I guess is what it is. To in any way kind of dress too young. Fashionable is one thing, but they want to make sure that you can hold an appearance with someone. Because you are the instructor for the course. So they want you to be able to relate to everybody.” —Denise [At work] “Pretty much I always wear my hair down. Like I said, not a lot of makeup. Not really anything outstanding. That’s all I can pretty much say. Pretty much I try to blend into the background as much as possible. Slide under the radar.” —Stacey standing out in punk. [For punk contexts] “Well besides the accessorizing, usually makeup. I'll spend more time on my eye makeup; maybe make it more bright, whatever. Or wear clothes that will show off the tattoos that I have that in a way...I can't show them off at work.” —Kathy A. “If I go to the Bosco [nightclub], for instance, which is decidedly unpunk, I will wear like I might wear stuff that people that go to the Bosco wear. But I won't wear it when I'm at the Bosco because I don't want to just be like a carbon copy of others, like I just look like 230 a douchebag like everybody else. You know because it's kind of like in context, so I'd rather wear a sleeveless Mayhem shirt at Bosco but sometimes like if I go to a punk show, I also don't want to be like associated with all those douchebags either. So I wouldn't mind wearing more like a mod outfit that makes you look different from everybody else. Because there's sort of good qualities in both things. But I don't find good qualities in being part of a herd either. And so part of a punk attitude would be to go to a punk show and to dress decidedly unpunk, you know, so I don't mind doing that sometimes…But if I was going to a show, then I won't, I will never dress intentionally punk if I'm going to see a punk band. Not at all. I'll wear whatever the hell I want.” —Alex Certain contexts lend themselves to one side or the other based on how the individual feels they will be perceived. Often in the punk context the interviewees’ desire is to stand out and at work it is about blending in. Overall, the punks expressed dressing with strong intentions, not by happenstance or habit, and thus they are well aware of Figure 6 Denise-Toning Down Punk Jewelry for the Workplace 231 the relationship of context to benefit. tone it down. A sub-concept with blending in and standing out is the idea of toning down one’s dress per context. More specifically, the interviewees discussed that they tone down their punk dress in the workplace context. They also mentioned toning down their work styles in punk contexts, but less than they discussed the importance of the idea in the workplace. “I can't go in with a mohawk if I want to because I can't meet someone…whether I think I can or I can't, in that environment. I'm not about to meet the big shot at Ford in a mohawk, you know. That would not in their eyes reflect well for the company, so I have to tone down. I wear sleeveless shirts but I have to tone down to a certain degree because you have to look professional.” —Alex “I think there was a time where…when I first moved to Minneapolis and I wasn’t as established here, I would try to make sure that my hair and clothes were somewhat normal for like a month until they got to know me, and then I would just go back to how I dressed always. At first, I would try not to scare them. But I think now I look pretty tame. So I’m just, I’m OK now.” —Tara Toning down punk dress in the workplace manifests itself in aesthetic choices that leave out aspects of one’s punk identity that are visually expressive, including tattoos and jewelry. They often conceal the same visual cues they use 232 to stand out in punk contexts (and against the mainstream) in order to effectively blend into the workplace. Appearance Labor: Reveal and Conceal in Work Context Ideas of reactions from others, self-expression, and communication all led to discussion about revealing and concealing. Reveal and conceal is an aesthetics concept having to do with all three components of the FVC framework: form in its practical sense, viewer regarding why, and context regarding when. The interviewees indicated the overall objective when dealing with reveal and conceal is to blend in. While some do in fact use punk cue details as a way to subtly stand out at work, such as funky tights or unnatural hair colors, others skip those same details to not draw attention to their punk identity. Examples of concealing one’s punk identity at work also included also included reduced make up and accessories than would be preferred to be worn if they felt they could express their punk identity more blatantly. Similar with toning down, the punks mentioned the reveal and conceal concept does carry over the other way. They void out work clothes in the punk environment just as they void out punk details in the work environment. They do express the related behaviors do have slightly different motivations. At work it is a void of pieces of your “real” punk self in order to blend in and gain workplace benefits often resulting from viewer perceptions. In punk it is shedding the “nonreal” front in order to don the “real” form of dress. This also results in benefits as they look “cool” to viewers and represent an accurate sense of self to themselves. This process of reveal and conceal was particularly discussed by those interviewees who do not enjoy their work or do not consider themselves 233 defined by it. tattoo coverage and piercing removal. There are multiple ways the participants do reveal and conceal strategies. In Chapter 6 many of the form details were discussed regarding tattoo coverage no matter what the weather or physical comfort. Stacey, Kathy A., and others all mentioned it. Rachel and Audra discussed piercing removal or changing to less overtly punk piercings. “Main thing…is just covering up the tattoos. That’s about it. I mean I have one on the back of my neck that people see still. People see them. So it’s not a big deal, but just try to…you get some older clients that you don’t want to freak out.” —Brian voiding out punk details. One concept that came up repeatedly regarding reveal and conceal and dress was the concept about a void, and not showing parts of oneself that are considered punk when at work. Multiple interviewees including Katie and Danielle discussed this process. “I'm kind of voiding out those details that I would do for my punk dress when I'm going to work. Like the makeup details and the accessories.” —Danielle “Basically, I don’t try. I never wear jewelry. If an absence is a specific element then there’s definitely an absence of accessorizing, an absence of trying to put together anything nice. It’s generally, most of my stuff is fairly uniform. I didn’t really have to 234 think about it. An absence of a particularly flattering fit…I can’t even wear dresses. I think like if you look too nice in any capacity it isn’t viewed very positively even if you kind of dress up that’s also not viewed as being functional enough I think.” —Katie age context makes things look more inappropriate over time/gender & sexuality. Other issues of reveal and conceal had to do with sexual ambiguity particularly as related to gender roles. Almost all of the female participants mentioned a desire to look attractive without being what they consider too revealing. Both Kathy A. and Zhac’s discussed the relationship of age, weight gain, and this maturation process changing how much they wear skimpy clothing and show skin. Marla discussed the complexity of appearing feminine enough for society when it is often perceived as masculine, androgynous, or anti-sexual for a woman to be quite covered up. Conclusions What came across from the interviewees was they are regularly trying to dress contextually. They are actively working with manipulation of their appearance to suit the context and their role within it. They want to express their identity in a way that achieves their goals within a context. This may be dressing “age appropriate” in a cultural context, dressing like “management” in a work context, or “cool” in a punk context. Self-identification with the punk subculture influenced how they go about making the specific dress choices to reflect their identity within a context, but being punk does not live completely outside acknowledgement of the context 235 around them. They are fully aware of the varied contexts of their life, and dress in a conscious and thoughtful way to make the most out of each situation. Findings indicate they do frequently express punk as one of the most pertinent aspects of their entire identity, yet, they do not dress in one punk fashion in every environment. They are flexible and attentive to contextual needs running frequent cost benefit analyses to determine how punk dress relates to a context. 236 Chapter 9: Summary, Discussion, and Implications Summary of Research In this research I looked at various factors regarding punk dress in the workplace. Conclusions on the data are presented at the end of each analysis chapter and some will be briefly re-touched on throughout this chapter. Chapter 9 presents reflections on this study and discusses the answers to the overall research question and its sub-questions, including what was gained by the examination. Overall, this research focused on punk dress in the workplace, therefore growing the body of knowledge about the main ideas of punk dress and workplace dress. This research can help inform similar studies on identity and multiple identities by possibly being a representative study about dress and multiple identities for other contexts besides punk and/or work. This research showed that the FVC framework is a useful tool for evaluating complex relationships between dress and behavior. It helped establish a connection that was made among many diverse ideas about dress behaviors including identity, appearance labor, and aesthetics. The use of the framework helped shape the data into a complete concept, rather than looking at isolated parts, such as only context or only viewer perceptions. The framework aided in examining components that are interrelated and affect one another. Discussion of Research Questions The research questions drove the development of the interview questions. Thus, the goal was that the participants’ responses would provide enough data to answer the research questions. But, the interview transcriptions were split into 237 the components of the FVC framework for coding and deciphering themes. It was these themes, their surrounding narratives, the background literature, and the inclusion of my insider perspective that combined together to answer the research questions. I elected to code the data within the framework outline, as compared to coding it per research question, because the answers to the RQs could be found throughout all of data, and not just within any interview question I originally conceived. I was able to both delve into the details of the framework, and, delve into the research questions, without being limited to the assumption that answers would come from where I wanted them to originate. This approach to data analysis enhanced my knowledge gained from the material. Answering the Research Questions This section will provide a concise answer to each of the research questions. Data analysis chapters contain conclusions regarding each of the literature themes discussed in Chapter 2 and throughout the paper. Further conclusions that elaborate on these topics are found in the previous chapters and later in this chapter. The overarching RQ was: What are punk individuals’ experiences concerning the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? The participants’ experiences are that they try to find a way to express their punk identities, and also wear dress that leads to success in the workplace context. In trying to function with two possibly competing identities, they may experience appearance labor. However, interviewees have come up with multiple successful accommodations to combat that appearance labor. 238 I worked to answer this question in more depth by going through the data looking at the sub-questions. Each of the literature review topics proved worthwhile and contributed to evaluating and understanding the data. Also, the FVC framework helped sort through the data to highlight answers to the questions. The sub-questions and answers are reviewed below. R1. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ punk dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? Punk dress has an iconic style that is acknowledged by insiders and outsiders of the subculture, but it is not generally how contemporary punks wear punk dress. A common misconception is that the modern adult punk looks like a 1977 teenage British punk at all times. The reality is that contemporary punk dress is derived from punk origins but also contains influences of other subcultures including mod, goth, hip hop, and rockabilly, as well as is continually influenced by crafting, high fashion, social and art movements, mainstream trends, and personal interests and individual daily needs. Punks do want to stay somewhat current with trends, including shifts within punk dress and sometimes within mainstream culture as well. So, they do not always look as different from the mainstream as an outsider would think, and instead it is often about the detailed cues and insider knowledge that they like to use to both express themselves and distinguish real from poseur punks. They largely link punk dress to cultural and motivational factors that were fairly consistently discussed among many and/or all of the participants. These cultural and motivational factors inform how they use forms of dress, but these 239 factors do not dictate strict parameters for form. Thus, punk dress has flexibility due to fashion shifts and societal changes over time, individual experiences, and how the cultural and motivational factors within punk are incorporated into the dress of each individual. Participants feel punk dress is a more true sense of identity expression than workplace dress. R2. What is the aesthetic process of identity expression concerning the respondents’ work dress as manifest in their visual appearance and their descriptions of dress-related-thoughts and behaviors? Participants feel workplace dress is a less true sense of identity expression than punk dress. Appearance labor is often a result of challenges with identity expression in workplace dress. Thus they either try to incorporate punk cues within their workplace dress, maintain much of their punk dress, or when they wear workplace dress they express that it is like donning a front. They actively attempt to find appropriate dress that will lead to success in their workplace and do link workplace dress symbolism with getting desired career outcomes. There are some specifics of form they rely on when developing what they deem appropriate punk dress. These forms are based on participants keen awareness of occupational and organizational culture, as well as workplace dress trends and contextual necessities. A participant’s approach to work dress also factors in demographics, confidence in workplace standing, commitment to the workplace context, tasks per day, and ability to relate work tasks to punk ideals. 240 R3. What are punk individuals’ experiences in relating their punk dress and workplace dress? Since punk dress is not as stereotypically exaggerated as many outside the punk movement assume, it is not as difficult for punks to adapt to work life as may be hypothesized. What comprises punk dress is actually a fairly flexible concept that has deep roots in cultural motivations that manifest themselves in physical forms, but those forms are not mandated. Work dress has greater restrictions, but participants have found there is often some room for movement within those limitations as well. Appearance labor is experienced, but it is on varied levels and there are accommodations to successfully cope with it. This flexibility impacts participants because work dress is often not a big stretch for them, especially if they do not work in a nonrestrictive environment so they can dress somewhat freely to include punk cues. For others, a workplace that is highly regimented with no acceptance of punk dress relieves them of the “blending” responsibility and creates a situation where two wardrobes represent their two identities. Also, levels of commitment play into the relationship of punk dress and workplace dress. The more committed they are to punk, often the less they need to dress punk. They let their participation do the talking. In conjunction, deep commitment to punk leads to a rich understanding of visual cues, which can be utilized in overt or subtle manners to aesthetically express punk in any context. On the other hand, the more committed one is to work, the more willing one is to dress in a traditional workplace fashion. Furthermore, if their workplace incorporates punk ideals, they are more willing to dress in traditional work dress 241 as they feel their punk ideals are being expressed through job tasks and expressing punk ideals through dress becomes less important. r3a. How do punk individuals change or shift the apparel-body-construct for their workplace environments? The accommodations participants perform to overcome appearance labor change or shift their apparel-body-construct. They adjust the details of the form of their dress to meet workplace role expectations, and also fulfill identity expression. Examples include toning down their punk appearance, pushing boundaries to see how much punk appearance can be acceptable, utilizing one versatile wardrobe or two contrasting wardrobes, and carefully monitoring context to choose when to blend in or stand out. r3b. How are specific items of dress re-purposed in different ways for punk and work identities? The punks talked about dressing per physical and cultural contexts, and what is worn throughout all contexts verses particular situations. They also factor in their tasks per day, how they perceived they are viewed, and their level of physical and emotional comfort with particular forms of dress. This might result in choosing radical or minute changes in form often with consideration for the partto-whole relationship. The use of cues is important for both punk and the workplace. For punk, those cues may be deeply embedded within an apparel-body-construct, meant for insider viewers only, or exclusively for self-expression and personal comfort even if they know it is unlikely there will be other punk viewers. Therefore garments and accessories can often be repurposed per context when they can 242 contain multiple cues such as punk subgenre affiliation and corporate management simultaneously. So the core dress items such as tops, bottoms, shoes, general haircut may stay the same, but piercings may come in and out, hair may be styled differently, tattoos may be revealed or concealed, items such as jewelry and hosiery may be changed, all to slant the look closer to traditional work or toward punk. Discussion of Methodology Pilot Focus Group The focus group laid a foundation of what concepts should go into the subsequent phases, including what to ask in the online survey. The main ideas I pulled out of the focus group session were expanded into both online surveys and interviews in order to get enough data to answer the research questions. Using surveys and interviews helped show depth of possible answers. Surveying over 200 individuals as well as interviewing 20 individuals showcased the depth in possible responses and the two approaches complemented each other. This was a much larger topic than it appeared to be in my pilot focus group. Some findings from the pilot focus group were also reflected in the followup larger study, such as the one closet accommodation approach to appearance labor. Yet in the pilot group no one took the two-closet approach. The larger study found there was more diversity in dress behavior for this example and other issues, and thus it was beneficial to have expanded the study to a broader pool of participants and survey and interview questions that gathered more comprehensive data. 243 Online Survey and Interviews and Analysis I chose the online surveys and interviews over more focus groups or case studies to increase the potential for breadth and depth in the resulting data. The online survey was a productive way to begin this phase of the study. It cast a wide net to find many potential interviewees, and the fact that it was brief and easy to use was an incentive for participation. Although brief, I do think I was able to ask enough questions to identify who would be strong interviewees, which was born out in the resulting interviews. Also, the online survey was able to provide data that gave an overall view for each of the themes discussed, before diving into the ideas of 20 individual interviews. Therefore, I determined with this evidence that the 20 individuals could be representative of a larger sample, and that they could reasonably speak as representatives of the supporting data of the survey. I found that the relatively limited number of 20 interviewees, or 10% of my 200+ survey participants, were sufficient to provide rich description. Interview data became repetitive and clear themes were emerging early in the data collection. The use of the TAMS coding software was a worthwhile endeavor. Although it was tedious to review the transcripts three separate times for coding purposes (form, viewer, context), as well as further times for familiarity and overall analysis, it was highly beneficial to use qualitative coding software. The software was a great organizational tool and highlighted themes that I may not have identified if I was simply reading through and not trying to do the manual coding. Also, it is a sort of forced objectivity, to code everything, rather than searching for themes that are potentially informed by researcher bias. My insider 244 perspective helped me to understand the language used, the references, and the implications of the data, but it did not impact the codes themselves. Thus, whatever emerged as dominant themes from the data was not impacted by my bias. I also feel it was worthwhile to combine a pre-determined framework and literature themes, such as appearance labor and identity, with grounded research looking for dominant themes to emerge from repetition in the data. This way I attacked the data two-fold. I was able to test the framework and use it for organization; was able to review the impact on those literature themes on punk dress and work dress behaviors; and, was able to find out any new concepts that fell within those ideas or potentially outside of the literature. Narrative and Arts Based Research using visuals. The garments brought to the interviews seemed to help prepare the interviewees to speak on the subject, and, my viewing of the objects served as a support tool for me to best understand their commentaries. It is not possible to know exactly how much the tangible objects were able to prime the participants to speak clearly and to feel they were best representing the ideas they were trying to communicate. While I cannot pinpoint a quantifiable measurement, I believe it was beneficial to the interview process, in part because some of the interviewees said as much. As discussed in the literature review, it is not uncommon that dress studies heavily focused on visual aspects, such as those discussing aesthetic trends, or cultural or historical differences in particular styles, generally rely exclusively on word descriptions to collect and express findings. One argument 245 for the lacking visuals is that dress researchers are studying emotion, opinion, perspective, and socio-cultural factors, and that the physicality of the object is simply a vehicle through which these issues manifest themselves, and is not crucial to understand the overall concepts of the study. When I approached this study I was critical of that argument, however now I can see both sides, as it turned out much of the data showed that punk dress was rooted in socio-cultural motivations and was not specific to garment form. I learned that images/physical representations are useful, however the subject matter itself and the researcher’s familiarity with the intricacies of that subject will determine the value of the visuals to the research project. In this case, in addition to priming the participants and increasing my visual understanding, the video recordings taken during the interviews were used to create still images for display and dissemination purposes. These videos and stills are useful in visually communicating this material to readers and for oral presentations, particularly to those less familiar with the punk subculture. narrative. This research did end up using aspects of the narrative method as an influence, but it became evident that the most effective way to pull things together was to use a fairly standard structure from apparel studies. This was a more traditional approach to qualitative data rather than the use of a fictionalized or highly narrative approach. For this research the narrative idea was not used as storytelling per se, except in the use of quotes to let the interviewees speak for themselves, which supports the goal of having this focus on wearer point of view. Related, the use of a handful of interviewee quotes to represent the sentiments of multiple participants could be seen as part of the narrative, storytelling 246 approach. These quotes were chosen as they best illustrated a dominant theme and provided the most clarity and potential interest for the reader. Mostly though, instead of the idea of narrative indicating story-structure, for this study it was more about narrative as in author's narrative influence (i.e. bias as a potentially positive thing), which is common in ethnography. This research uses quite a bit of that angle regarding narrative methods. This idea was employed subtly as my insider knowledge is allowed to inform the project, and was allowed to help stage to the interview process. Unlike the Barone (2001) approach, I decided it was not necessary to fictionalize interviewees as characters. They were interesting and clear on their own and did not need to be combined or embellished through fictionalization. Barone’s idea of storytelling was somewhat employed by the choice of allowing 20 individuals to attempt to represent the 200 online survey participants. Also, the use of limited quotes to represent ideas from within those 20 people was a way I lightly utilized that technique. I did not want to go potentially too far with the fictionalization approach though. There were generalizations that were able to be made, however the 20 individuals did have varying opinions, which turned out to be part of the way they interpret punk, so I did not want to over generalize their responses when it was not merited by the TAMS data coding. I let the TAMS do the generalizations, and let their actual quotes personalize and individualize the concepts, thus representing themes and combined ideas, instead of fully merging participants into new fictional characters to become archetypes. The subtle narrative concept that I attempted to employ ties closely to the 247 ideas about postmodernism that are often presented hand-in-hand with discussions of ethnographic, arts based and related qualitative research methods. The findings demonstrated that the way punk manifests itself, in this case through dress, is often in the eye of the beholder. There are universal concepts that seem to be agreed on, but there are vast ways to interpret and personalize. Consequently, this study is in part based on a combined story that has been created out the perspectives of the participants as understood by my perspective. Therefore, I think it was highly worthwhile to proceed using a fairly standard analysis and writing format for the dissertation project, in order to fully explore the potential of that side of the argument. However, I have left the option open for a later date to expand the analysis of my data into a visual arts project or quasi-fictionalized portrayal of the participants, which would more thoroughly embrace the potential of arts based and narrative methods. wearer point-of-view. The way storytelling did happen was the inclusion of many quotes to allow the respondents voices to be heard, with limited interpretation on my part. I interpreted as much as possible from their point of view. This included not defining who can self identify as punk, what is punk dress, what is work dress, letting them have long answers, only injecting my insider perspective when needed and allowing the literature references to merge with emergent themes rather than force the data into the literature. The interpretation truly blossomed out of their responses. The interview questions also rarely asked participants about other people beyond themselves, whether it was those people’s opinions of them or their 248 opinions of others. They did inject some of this information, much of which went into the Chapter 7 (viewer). I simply encouraged them to discuss themselves and they included others as they reflected on their experiences. Letting them speak for themselves helped tremendously for the final analysis. The surveys provided a strong foundation for this portion of the research but would have been too limited to really give voice to the participants as thoroughly as the interviews did. With surveys there is more risk that I would have had to provide interpretation of the brief responses, yet with the interviews they could elaborate, which provided clarity and depth. using my insider perspective. In the case of an insular community some amount of insider perspective is optimal because often those within said communities will not share openly with outsider and/or outsiders will not have a full understanding of what is being discussed. I believe my status as someone who self-identifies with the punk subculture impacted how interviewees spoke to me and it was reflected in how well I understood the data. I understood their casual language about subcultural brands, bands, and events, and I was able to include this knowledge in brackets in the quotations to help provide clarity for the reader. Also, their off-hand comments such as “you know...” meant participants were most likely comfortable to talk with me in a manner they may not have been with an outsider. An outsider may have struggled to get them to open up as readily and have had challenges working with the data. I think I was able to use my perspective to help, and not hinder the research, and by revealing it early on both in this document and to the interviewees there are no hidden agendas or unrealistic expectations of objectivity. But, the literature research and especially 249 the TAMS coding did help to balance any preconceived notions I may have had or personal influences that could have colored my analysis. Discussion of Primary Concepts Throughout Research Primary concepts were introduced throughout Chapters 1 - 3, and each brought something to the table. I will now go back through them and evaluate their usefulness in this research. Aesthetics Aesthetics concepts fit quite well into a study of punk dress in the workplace. Aesthetics is important within this highly symbolic, heavily cued form of dress, and plays into how it all works together. I used numerous descriptions in the data analysis chapters including color, line, shape, and the part-to-whole relationship. The FVC framework (DeLong, 1998) was derived out of aesthetics. Defining Dress No singular definition of dress had a robust enough scope for the respondents’ ideas. An inclusive definition of dress was crucial to making this research functional, as it turned out the punks embodied aspects of all of the definitions that I introduced in Chapter 2. Brake (1985) represented punk dress well, with his ‘argot’ concept, but other definitions were important too for me to understand the participants’ descriptions of form, symbolism, and culture. Also, by my having three working definitions of dress, I felt comfortable allowing the participants to speak as openly as possible, self-defining punk dress and work dress, while not trying to fit within any preconceived parameters I might have imposed if I’d limited dress to one definition. 250 Punk Dress Punk is an umbrella concept. Findings indicated that there are some common characteristics of what individuals who align themselves with the punk subculture consider to be punk dress. But, there is also great variation, taking into account that the term punk includes numerous outside influences and internal subgenres. Also, it is simultaneously a group experience and an individual experience. Furthermore, individuals and groups have distinct ways of dressing. Sometimes there are individual components unique to the wearer; sometimes there are things the whole group understands and employs. Individualization is mixed with subtle ties to genre uniforms. There are individuals wearing subcultural uniforms, and there are individuals wearing nothing identifiable as subcultural yet they still consider themselves punk. Findings indicated a great deal about how participants define and describe punk dress. The development of punk dress over a many decade period of time would shape what these contemporary punk interviewees do regarding personal punk dress. Punk form is tied to both cultural and physical motivations and contextual characteristics. These concepts shape participants’ identity expression and the aesthetics of their related dress behaviors. Participants’ experiences and descriptions of punk dress was linked to influences and perspectives on how they dress for the workplace. Regarding the umbrella concept, some of the respondents’ descriptions of punk dress and how they personally wear it are rooted in the historic aesthetic styling and conceptual concepts of punk, without exactly referencing the stereotypical form derived from 1970s British styles. This is where aesthetics 251 comes in. They referenced the part-to-whole relationship, elements of design such as line, cut, and color, and design symbolism as ways to demonstrate cues of their knowledge of punk dress, without necessarily visually showing it. Some respondents’ versions of punk dress were strongly about individual expression. So there is an effort to tie cues to both the historic styles and to individual expression. Thus, an individual’s perception of their punk style may not look punk to another person’s eye. This interview sample reflected both individuality and group ideas. Most of the participants do dress with reference to the iconic punk styles, but do not rely on those styles to dictate everything about their dress form. Groups come into play as they inform the ideas of the cultural and motivational factors as well as the splinters and subgenres that impact form. There is dressing for the group ideals that one buys into, as well as dressing for individual needs and preferences. They also incorporate quite a bit of individual preference into their dress that is unrelated to punk, specifically regarding their dress-up, dress-down tastes. Many lean toward a casual or dressed down version of punk styles using only subtle and selective cues instead of a full wardrobe of obviously punk fashions. The interviewees by and large are toned down, subtle, and casual rather than representing the iconic highly visually expressive look. This is based on necessity, age, not wanting to look forced or lacking commitment (poser, new), and the influence of other subculture and punk styles such as hardcore and mod that are not as visually different from the mainstream as the 1970s British punk stereotype is. Historic influence is highly relevant, and participants are referential to history in their dress, but it is embedded within subtle cues, and 252 often not overt or stuck in time like a stereotype. Workplace Dress Findings indicated a great deal about workplace dress as it relates to punk dress. There are social ramifications in the punk context based on standing in part based on their dress. Many mentioned that as their years involved in punk progress, they achieve higher social standing in the punk community, making their dress choices less relevant than in their early punk life. Earlier in their punk experience the dress practices were one of their most effective ways of demonstrating interest, as they had not yet gained recognition for their experiences within the punk community. Yet in the workplace, it appears time commitment is less relevant. Participants feel they need to maintain the workplace dress expectations throughout their career and continue to modify their appearance to meet each new workplace role, including movement up a profession’s hierarchy. Related, participants have been in their occupational position for fewer years than their involvement to punk. This lack of command of their workplace may affect their perspective on dress in that context. Some cling to punk and try to express it in their work dress. Others move away from punk dress in an effort to strive for workplace upward mobility. Increasing commitment to their career was linked to a willingness to dress in more conventional workplace attire, perhaps because they have seen positive workplace outcomes. More interestingly, when participants feel their career incorporates punk ideals they are comfortable looking less overtly punk. This may be reflected in what types of careers they choose, although that was not obvious in the data, as occupations 253 varied from lawyers to teachers to art directors. There is perhaps a leaning toward of occupation related to social service (law, teaching, historic preservation, social work) but there were many in business as well. It is possible the commitment to the workplace they have chosen already represents their punk ideals. Thus, they are not giving up on punk, just repositioning the value of punk dress as identity expression. Identity Salience/Multiple Identities Findings about punk identity salience and multiple identities primarily came though participants’ expressions of appearance labor, when they would discuss topics such as emotional comfort, pushing boundaries, having jobs that incorporate punk ideals, and using phrases including “needing to feel like me.” Many proclaimed a punk identity as equally or more important than a work identity, but expressed conflict because they could see the value in embracing a work identity. The way they consider their punk and work identities are not one dimensional, but instead are nuanced, which is reflected in their dress behaviors. As the interviewees increase time spent involved in punk or work, move upwards or laterally within their careers, have demographic changes such as age and geography, and feel a strong sense of commitment, acceptance, and positive standing in context, it all adjusts their perspective on dress. Furthermore, in discussions about context, it also became clear that they feel they have other identities as well that also need to be incorporated into their lives. These are revealed in different environments, such as ‘everyday’ and ‘other’, with variations in related dress ranging from formal to casual. This strong awareness of context is shown in dress behaviors related to tasks per day, 254 whether it is at work or in punk contexts. They have identities they want to highlight for executive meetings as compared to general workdays, and for special concerts versus routine hanging out with friends. It might be a dressing up and down of the same wardrobe for some, or complete wardrobe changes for others. A primary concern is expressing some bit of self in each context, in some manner. With those who self identify as punk this is especially true because their dress is ideologically based more than rooted in fashion or function. Those who dress with religious intensions may be a similar example. However, since punk dress is ideological, but flexible in form, this relates to the notion that sometimes a punk’s actions per context, such as job tasks, can replace or supercede dress as a choice of identity expression, and other times dress is a perfect tool to get one’s internal voice heard. Thus, multiple identities are expressed through dress and actions, and can be simultaneous. Postmodernism/Globalization as Influences On Contemporary Dress postmodernism. Postmodernism is defined in the literature review to include the way individuals embrace ideas from various aspects of life and employ multiple concepts simultaneously, all with their own perspective attached (Henderson & DeLong, 2000; Efland, Freedman, & Stuhr, 1996; Sturken & Cartwright, 2001). Findings indicated punk, particularly as demonstrated by these interviewees’ discussions of contemporary punk dress, could be seen as a form of postmodern thought. Also, literature and interview findings showed that while work dress has more generalized ideals and commonalities that come professionally from the top-down, rather than from individual choice, there is still 255 room within the workplace for incorporating punk dress, particularly those aspects of punk dress that are rooted in cultural hallmarks rather than specifics of form. Hence, the way the interviewees go about workplace dress behaviors does have both a slight personal and postmodern slant. The data often highlighted ideas that could be deemed ‘postmodern’, although the interview participants did not use that phrase. Punk was never a centralized movement, yet it always has rotated around core groups and ideas. Postmodernity would see punk morph and splinter with a variety of styles acceptable under the umbrella concept that is “punk.” Punk has evolved through clashing ideas and many segments of subculture spinning off into directions that can be quite contrary to one another, yet often are aiming for similar goals either internal or societal. With each generation further expanding punk ideas and related dress, as well as the mainstream continually adopting more and more punk styles, it is hard to say exactly what makes a current look ‘punk.’ Through divergent levels of personal commitment, varied time periods when one discovered and embraced punk, and diverse individual experiences, the opinions about punk dress within punk circles can widely vary. Therefore, any object can become punk. Some objects may not be a part of the original iconic stereotype, but are made into the punk likeness by the wearer. If the intent is expressing punk concepts through the vehicle of dress, than the specific aesthetic details and design could be of little value, as the meaning can be embedded in any object once the myth is attached to it. Consequently, the variety of opinions on what composes punk dress is an example of this postmodern approach. Also, ideas about differentiation and 256 personalization as important within punk ideals indicate the value of nonuniform thought. Data showed that punk’s relationship to postmodernity can contribute to findings accommodating for appearance labor manifesting out of work dress necessities, because the lack of a prescribed uniform for punk means there can be more flexibility in the workplace while still being in touch with one’s punk identity expression. globalization. The literature review in Chapter 2 describes globalization as it pertains to dress to include ideas such as: the way people dress around the world is becoming all the time more ambivalent; increasingly flexible social mores combined with political and global ambiguity lead to experimentation with dress, dress codes and rules are loosening and shifting; and an international hybrid style thought of as “everyday fashion” is developing in which the core of global dress appears similar in many countries (Craik, 1994; Maynard, 2004). The participants rarely overtly addressed these globalization issues with their specific discussions. However, overall literature and data findings indicate that globalization does effect the participants in how they are expected to dress for work, how workplace dress symbolism changes and shifts over time, and how they are viewed per context based on their form choices. Workplace dress changes with the times, whether it leans toward formal, casual, uniform, or diverse dress acceptance. This is in part based on what is happening in the global markets driving business decisions and trends. Knowingly or not, this affects wearers. Also, interviewees did construct their ideas about punk dress based on international perspectives on subculture that have developed over the past 30 years. Since punk was born on two continents, 257 and has spread throughout the globe into many subgenres, it is inherently global. Also, the Internet and international product production, distribution, and image awareness are ever-increasing. One’s involvement in punk and options for displaying it is impacted by globalization. The development of an internationally recognized “everyday fashion” (Craik, 1994, p. 205) also impacts the way punk dress and work dress are worn. Therefore, the relationship between their punk dress and their workplace dress is informed by globalization. Appearance Labor Findings from the online survey indicated that it is common for punks in a “nonpunk” workplace to experience some form of appearance labor, and therefore interviews heavily addressed that topic. The way appearance labor manifests itself has some variation, but generally is the result of the participant’s inability to feel emotionally comfortable in their workplace dress. The two main issues with appearance labor are: how significantly are they affected by it, and, what accommodations do they utilize to overcome it. levels of appearance labor. First, there are multiple reasons one will experience varied levels of appearance labor. Initially I suspected that demographics or workplace context would play a large role. While these were contributing factors, there were other more pertinent issues that emerged in the data. One of the most important was confidence in oneself in context, both in punk and in the workplace. The fact these punks are aged 26-45 therefore probably impacted this data regarding commitment and their length of time involved with punk as well as their career status. However, demographics are all 258 encompassing, as those same individuals often explained that punk is their “real self” and they do want to express some form of punk within their work context. So while demographics can diminish the impact of appearance labor, it does not eliminate it if one does not feel confident in his environment. Another thing that affects levels of appearance labor is personal interest in fashion and style. Those respondents with greater interest in fashion are engrossed in how to utilize fashion for enjoyment in all environments. Participants Denise, Zhac, Alex, and Rachel have either found ways to incorporate selective items of punk dress in the workplace, and/or, are able to determine work dress they feel fashionable in. Similarly, Tara and Audra enjoy or are content donning a front when they dress, and may use their fashion interest to dress up completely to work standards or nonwork expectations with little difficulty. For those with high fashion interest of any sort, they were slightly put out that they had to comply with work dress, but seemed to see it as a challenge and utilized multiple strategies to manage it. Thus this group expressed some amount of appearance labor regarding punk, but perhaps less than others because their consistent feelings of fun involved with fashion leans toward decreased stress related to dress for any context. Related, two other groups that experience fairly low levels of appearance labor are those who have low to complete interest in fashion of any sort, and, those who are exclusively interested in punk fashion and not any other kind of dress. Both of these groups were disturbed by the need to be restricted in work dress. Those with the low to complete disinterest in fashion meant they barely 259 cared how they dressed. Those with a sole interest in punk fashion were at times fine with the two closet approach to donning a front at work and their “real” punk wardrobe for nonwork. Consequently, appearance labor was low for both groups. A segment of the participants who felt high levels of appearance labor have a moderate level of interest in fashion, and, moderate concern with workplace appropriateness. But they do not have enough fashion interest to feel excited, creative, or confident in their dress choices. They are looking toward somewhat conventionally defined punk dress and work dress to guide them in their choices, and have trouble finding a common ground between the two. Appearance labor results from their inability to enjoy the process of dressing or to completely detach from the emotions about dress. Other factors contributing to levels of appearance labor included job tasks per day, physical comfort, and perceptions of viewer perspectives. Participants are sensitive to their surroundings and can sometimes experience varying levels of appearance labor day to day or within a day, in addition to their overall comfort or discomfort on a continual basis. accommodations. Once appearance labor has been established, the participants cope through multiple methods of accommodations. These are discussed throughout the data analysis chapters, and include choosing one wardrobe or two, blending in versus standing out, toning down punk dress, dressing per context, and pushing dress boundaries at work. These considerations are made even by those participants who use actions more so than dress in work and nonwork contexts to perform their punk identity expression. For many participants the labor itself was tied to figuring out the 260 details of form and was not about dire emotional havoc. They often expressed that since much of their perspective on punk dress is about the cultural hallmarks as compared to specifics of form, the greater concern is on loss of cultural identity than it is on a loss of a particular visual signifier. Hence, those who are able to work creatively with form to express punk cultural hallmarks and cues experience decreased appearance labor. appearance labor conclusions. Dressing for punk is often about viewer as self (personal expression) in conjunction with viewer as third party, and only mildly has to do with dressing for social expectations. Participants do dress to meet punk norms, but also feel dress freedom within those parameters. The punk context takes into consideration the desire to express oneself with emotional and physical comfort blended together. Participants explained that dressing for work involves more concern for social role expectations and third party viewer opinions. There is a willingness to forego some emotional and physical comfort to achieve workplace benefits. A higher level of sacrifice is acceptable within the workplace than it is within the punk context. Through the creative use of accommodations, and due to postmodern perspectives on punk dress, findings indicate many punks successfully alleviate appearance labor issues. Implications Based on Limitations In this research individuals who met my demographic parameters defined punk dress and punk ideas. The message might be different with participants from different age brackets, those who do not have employment, those who work in punk arenas such as perform in bands or are employed in bars, or those from other geographic regions. However, this was a diverse group in terms of careers, 261 was the largest age bracket that answered the call, who live in three different cities, and, many are in bands or still actively participate in punk activities. Therefore, I cannot conclusively say their responses would be altogether different by allowing for inclusion of individuals of other demographics. Regarding the demographics within the group I interviewed, I only briefly split them into gender, age, career, and geography. I did review the material for glaring differences within these parameters. When I found extremely few variations, I decided to allow participants to all be clustered as one study group, rather than portioned out into categories within the larger whole. Thus, whenever I used quotes or discussed a concept I did not break them into factions based on concept such as geography. Had I continued to split them up for every conclusion, it is possible subtle demographic differences would have emerged. Also, this may have been more clear with a larger interview pool of demographic differences, or with different interview questions that were more pointed about the influence of their demographics on their behavior. However that level of splitting up the data may have negatively impacted getting to the generalizations about punk dress in the workplace that was the aim of the study. There were some other issues that were possible limitations. Online sourcing for the call for participants may have limited the respondents to those who are comfortable with computers and have access to the Internet. It is possible this skewed the popularity of certain professions or personalities within the data. Also, when the response rate for interview participation stalled at 15, acquiring the final five participants through six-degrees-of-separation from the first 15, as well from me, may have skewed the participant pool. 262 On a separate note, regarding the support materials, it may have been useful to take still images rather than video, as the video was difficult to work with due to my inexperience, and although I was able to distinguish some of the attitude and argot through posturing and body language, I sometimes did not get the clearest look at each item when I was trying to use videos as reference material. Perhaps a combination of stills and video would have created the most complete data collection. Implications for Further Research Overall, I answered the research questions, tested the framework, worked with pre-determined literature concepts, and found new themes through a form of grounded research. However, there was a great deal of data that fell outside the scope of this project and could be used for further research. I could work with the existing survey data and especially the already coded interview data in numerous ways. First, new literature concepts could be reviewed including ideas about consumption, such as reviewing the brands and shopping patterns. Perception theories could look deeper into the viewer concept and could be expanded to include more material on ideas such as gender roles. Design symbolism could connect ideas from aesthetics and history to add to the discussion about the use of form in punk and/or the workplace, including concepts such as color theory and more on artistic movements/trends. Second, I could take the existing data and expand upon it. I could go back to the 208 surveys and reach out to interview respondents from age brackets I did not interview. More interviews could expand the knowledge about other age groups beyond that which I focused on, and then a compare/contrast could be 263 determined. Longitudinal studies could also be interesting to see how the one group of respondents’ views change over time either with the participants I already interviewed, or, with the youngest group who are 18+ and following their experiences through their working lives. In addition to working with the existing data, there are many ways new related research topics could get deeper into this material. Studying other demographics is a simple start, such as a wider geographic area. Regarding workplaces, one could select the most common types of workplaces and do compare/contrast research among different fields, or within different companies within the same field, focusing on the concepts of organizational and occupational cultures (Dellinger, 2002). Also, one could run experiments seeing the outcome of varying dress behaviors in the workplace. One could also compare/contrast my existing data from those who work outside of the punk area with new interview data of those who are employed within punk contexts. Finally, a goal that would be challenging but worthwhile would be to try to strongly connect this existing data to larger concepts about identity salience and multiple identities with dress behaviors in other contexts. The idea would be to determine how individuals balance the variations of who they feel they are with how they feel they need to dress. This study introduces that issue and attempts to be representative of those ideas, but a broad-based study on that topic specifically would be a strong contribution to the literature. 264 Reference List Araneta, R. (2003). Dressing up for success (again). Working Woman, 26, 20-21. Attfield, J. (2000). Wild things: The material culture of everyday life. Oxford: Berg. Baizerman, M. (2008). In class discussions with researcher Bakewell, C., Mitchell, V. -W., & Rothwell, M. (2006). UK generation Y male fashion consciousness. Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, 10(2), 169-180. Baron, S. (1989). Resistance and its consequences: The street culture of punks. Youth and Society, 21(2), 207-237. Barone, T. (2001). Touching eternity: The enduring outcomes of teaching. New York: Teachers College Press. Barone, T. (2006). Arts-based educational research then, now, and later. Studies in Art Education, 48(1) 4-8. Barone, T., & Eisner, E. (2006). Arts-based educational research. In J. Greene, G. Camilli, & P. Elmore (Eds.), Handbook of complementary methods in education research (pp. 95-109). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Bennett, A. (1999). Subcultures or neo-tribes? Rethinking the relationship between youth, style and musical taste. Sociology, 33(3), 599-617. Bennett, A. (2006). Punk’s not dead: The continuing significance of punk rock for an older generation of fans. Sociology, 40(2), 219-235. 265 Bottorff, J. (1994). Using videotaped recordings in qualitative research. In J. Morse (Ed.). Critical issues in qualitative research methods (pp. 244261). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Bowman, J. S, & Hooper, H. L. (1991). Dress and grooming regulations in the public service: standards, legality, and enforcement. PAQ, Fall, 328-340. Brake, M. (1985). Comparative youth culture: The sociology of youth culture and youth subcultures in American, Britain, and Canada. New York: Routeledge. (pp.11-12) Breazeale, K. (1994). In spite of women: Esquire magazine and the construction of the male consumer. Signs, 20(1), 1-22. Calluori, R. The kids are alright: New wave subcultural theory. Social Text, 12, 43-53. Caplan, R. (2005). By design (2nd Ed.). New York: Fairchild. Chriss, J. ( 1999). Role distance and the negational self. In Greg Smith (Ed.), Goffman and social organization (pp. 64-80). London: Routledge. Clark, D. (2004). The death and life of punk, the last subculture. In D. Muggleton and R. Weinzierl (Eds.). The post-subcultures reader. (pp. 223-236). Berg Publishers: Oxford. Craik, J. (1994). The face of fashion: Cultural studies in fashion. (pp. 205). London: Routledge. Dellinger, K. (2002). Wearing gender and sexuality “on your sleeve”: Dress norms and the importance of occupational and organizational culture at work. Gender Issues, 20(1), 3-25. 266 DeLong, M. (1998).The way we look: Dress and aesthetics. (2nd Ed.). New York: Fairchild Publications. Derrida, J. (1985). Margins of philosophy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Efland, A., Freedman, K., & Stuhr. P. (Eds.). (1996). The character of a postmodern art curriculum. In Postmodern Art Education an Approach to Curriculum. (pp. 91-113). Reston: National Art Education Association. Eicher, J. (2000). Dress. In C. Kramarae and D. Spender (Eds.). Routledge international encyclopedia of women: Global women’s issues and knowledge. (pp. 422-423). New York: Routledge. Eisner, E. (1997). The promise and the perils of alternative forms of data representation. Educational Researcher, 26(6), 4-10. Evans, C. (1997). Dreams that only money can buy…or, the shy tribe in flight from discourse. Fashion Theory, 1(2), 169-188. Finley, S. (2003). Arts-based inquiry in QI: Seven years from crisis to guerilla warfare. Qualitative Inquiry, 9(2), 281-296. Fischman, G. (2001). Reflections about images, visual culture, and educational research. Educational Researcher, 30(8), 28-33. Form, W. & Stone, G. (1955). The social significance of clothing in occupational life. Technical Bulletin 247. East Lansing: Michigan State University College Agricultural Experiment Station. Fox, K. J. (1987). Real punks and pretenders: The social organization of a Counterculture. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 16(3), 44-370. 267 Frank, T. (1997). The conquest of cool: Business culture, counterculture, and the rise of hip consumerism. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Anchor Books. Hall, S. & Jefferson, T. (1976). Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post war Britain. London: Routledge. Hebdige, D. (1979). Subculture: The meaning of style. London: Routledge. Henderson, B., & DeLong, M. (2000). Dress in a postmodern era: An analysis of aesthetic expression and motivation. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 18(4), 237-250. Holland, S. (2004). Alternative femininities: Body, age, and identity. Oxford: Berg. Hollander, A. (1978). Seeing through clothes. New York: Viking Press. Jencks, C. (1980). Late-modern architecture. New York Rizzoli. Kang, M., Sklar, M. & Johnson, K. (2010). Men at work: Using dress to create and communicate identities. Unpublished manuscript. Kwon, Y. (1994). The influence of appropriateness of dress and gender on the self-perception of occupational attributes. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 12, 33-37. Lawrence-Lightfoot, S., & Hoffman Davis, J. (1997). The Art and Science of Portraiture. San Fransisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Lee, J. (2003, December 15). Leave your hat on, but lose the jeans. Newsweek, 22. 268 Levine, H. & Stumpf, S. (1983). Statements of fear through cultural symbols: Punk rock as a reflective subculture. Youth & Society, 14(4), 417-435. Ligos, M. (2001). Does image matter? Sales and Marketing Management Journal, 153(3), 52-56. Lindeman, T. (2004, March 2). Tough job climate causes casual look to give way to more formal attire. Knight Ridder Tribune Business News, 1. Livesley, W. J., & Bromley, D. B. (1973) Person perception in childhood and adolescence. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Marcus, G. (1990). Lipstick traces: A secret history of the twentieth century. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Maynard, M. (2004). Dress and globalisation. Manchester: Manchester University Press. McCloud, A. (1995). American Muslim Women and U. S. Society. Journal of Law & Religion, 12(1), 51-59. Mirzoeff, M. (1999). An introduction to visual culture. (pp. 9). London: Routledge. Morgado, M. (2007). The semiotics of extraordinary dress: A structural analysis and interpretation of hip-hop style. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 25(2), 131-155. Morgan, D. (1988). Focus groups as qualitative research. Newbury Park: Sage Publications, Inc. Muggleton, D. (2002). Inside subculture: The postmodern meaning of style. Oxford: Berg. Munoz, L. (2001). The suit is back—or is it? Fortune, 143, 202. 269 Ogle, J.P., Eckman, M., & Leslie, C.A. (2003). Appearance cues and the shootings at Columbine high: Construction of a social problem in the print media. Sociological Inquiry, 73(1), 1-27. Oleck, J., & Prasso, S. (2001, March 19). Casual dress: Dot-com casualty? Business Week, 7. Peluchette, J., Karl, K., Rust, K. (2006). Dressing to impress: Beliefs and attitudes regarding workplace attire. Journal of Business and Psychology, 21, 45–63. Pink, S. (2007). Doing visual ethnography: Images, media and representation in research, (2nd Ed.). London: Sage Publications. Podmolik, M. (2003, August 18). Clothes call. Crain’s Chicago Business, 1. Polhemus, T. (1994). Streetstyle: From sidewalk to catwalk. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. Polhemus, T. (1996). Style surfing: What to wear in the 3rd millennium. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. Pomerenke, P., Varner, I., and Mallar, S. (1996). The depiction of female and male professionals in business communication textbooks. Business Communication Quarterly, 59(4), 36-46. Rafaeli, A., Dutton, J., Harquial, C., & Mackie-Lewis, S. (1997). Navigating by attire: The use of dress by administrative employees. Academy of Management Journal, 40, 19–45. Rafaeli, A., & Pratt, M. (1993). Tailored meanings: On the meaning and impact of organizational dress. Academy of Management Review, 18, 32–55. 270 Roach-Higgins, M. E. & Eicher, J. B. (1992). Dress and identity. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10(4), 1-7. Rombes, N. (2006). 33 1/3: Ramones. New York: Continuum. (p.p. 14). Rucker, M., Anderson, E., & Kangas, A. (1999). Clothing, Power and the Workplace. In K. Johnson & S. Lennon (Eds.), Appearance and power: Dress, body, culture (pp. 59–77). New York: Berg. Savage, J. (2002). England's Dreaming, Revised Edition: Anarchy, Sex Pistols, Punk Rock, and Beyond. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. Skidmore, P. (1999). Dress to impress: Employer regulations of gay and lesbian appearance. Social and Legal Studies, 8(4), 509-529. Solomon, M., & Schopler, J. (1982). Self-consciousness and clothing. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 8, 508–514. Sparke, P. Introduction to design and culture: 1900 to the present, (2nd Ed.). London: Routledge. Stone, G. P. (1962). Appearance and the Self. In A. M. Rose (Ed.), Human behavior and the social processes: An interactionist approach. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Stryker, S. (1980). Symbolic interaction: A social structural version. Menlo Park: Benjamin Cummings. Stryker, S., & Burke, P. J. (2000). The past, present, and future of an identity theory. Social Psychology Quarterly, 63(4), 284-297. Sturken, M., & Cartright, L. (2001). Practices of looking: An introduction to visual culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 271 Sullivan, G. (2005). Art practice as research: Inquiry in the visual arts. Thousand Oaks; Sage Publications. Swanger, N. (2006). Visible body modification (VBM): Evidence from human resource managers and recruiters and the effects on employment. Journal of Hospitality Management, 25, 154-158. Sweet, D. (2005). More than goth: The rhetorical reclamation of the subcultural self. Popular Communication, 3(4), 239-264. Szatmary, D. (1996). A time to rock: A social history of rock ‘n’ roll. New York: Schirmer Books. Traber, D. (2008). Locating the punk preppy (A speculative theory). The Journal of Popular Culture, 41(3), 488 – 508. Walker Art Center. (2007). Elements and principles of today’s art. Online article. Retrieved on December 28, 2007, from http://schools.walkerart.org:8083/arttoday/index.wac?id=2135 Weitz, R. (2001). Women and their hair: seeking power through resistance and accommodation. Gender and Society,15, 667-686. Williams, J. P. (2006). Authentic identities: Straightedge subculture, music, and the Internet. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 35, 173-200. Wood, R. (2003). The straightedge youth sub-culture: Observations on the complexity of a sub-cultural identity. Journal of Youth Studies, 6(1), 33-52 272 APPENDIX A Supplementary Lists These lists are the complete responses from the 208 respondents to the online survey to the question “What type of work do you do.” I created the categories to consolidate similar answers. The phrasing in the responses is exactly how the participant answered. These lists correspond with Tables 4 and 7 in Chapter 4. List 2 Education & Childcare Adjunct Fashion Instructor Art & Computers Teacher (K-8) Art Teacher Assistant Dean, College For Creative Studies Child Care College Instructor Education Education Education Educator English Professor Graduate Student High School English Teacher K-12 Outreach At The University Of Minnesota 273 Nanny Postdoctoral Research Associate Postdoctoral Research Associate Professor Speech Language Pathologist In The Public Schools Student Student Student Teach At A Higher Education Institution, Graduate Fellow/Researcher Teacher Teacher Teacher Teacher Teaching/Research/Graduate School List 3 Law Attorney Attorney In Criminal Litigation Law and Research Law Clerk Law Student Lawyer Legal 274 Legal Legal Assistant Legal Assistant Legal Assistant/Paralegal Paralegal Paralegal Patent Lawyer List 4 Customer Service/Retail/Food Service/Hospitality/Sales Cafe Manager Call Center / Mortgage Customer Service / Automobile Service Advisor Customer Service Representative Food Food Service Helpdesk Analyst For A Health Insurance Company High End Sales Retail Sales Sales Associate Sales At Scooterworks USA Tea House Mgr Waitress, Teacher, Designer 275 Grocery Stocking, Checking Products In, Customer Service List 5 Computers/Information Technology/Programming Computer / It Computer Programmer Computer Technician Computer Training Computer Work For An Insurance Company Director Of Information Technology And Operations Director, Information Technology Information Technology Information Technology Instructional Systems Designer Interactive Network Security And Application Development Programmer Programmer Unix Sys Admin Web Development List 6 Art & Design Art Director 276 Art Director At Ad Agency Arts And Non-Profit Development/Fine Artist Arts, Disability Advocacy Custom Artwork Framing (Sales And Production) Design Design Apparel Design For A Large Corporation Designer Cad Designer Cad Designer Fashion Design Graphic Design Graphic Design Graphic Design and Hostess Graphic Design, Restaurant Host Graphic Design Interactive Design Production Artist Technical Design Web Design Web Design List 7 Psychology/Social Work/Nonprofits/Outreach 277 Psychotherapy, Research and Teaching In Academia Social Services Social Work List 8 Business Account Manager Accounts Payable For A Law Firm Admin Asst Administrative Administrative Support Administrative/Web Design Business Analyst Career Manager At A Job Centre Ceo- It Is A Corporate Company Clerical Clerical - Also Part-Time Photojournalist Communications Consulting Corporate Finance Insurance Broker Just Left Corporate Job Of 10 Years/Regional Manager For 5th Largest Staffing Company Manager 278 Marketing Marketing Medical Office Work Office Office And Counter At An Electrical Supply House Project Management And Business Analysis Consulting Project Manager For A Pharmacy Benefits Management Company Research and Marketing Dental Related - Assistant, Receptionist, Marketing, Billing, Secretarial Underwriter Work With The Support Team - Operations Coordinator List 9 Entertainment & Media Book Marketing I Work For The Food Channel Show "Diner's Drive Ins And Dives" (Page Productions) Marketing and Copyright Issues For A Large Board Game Publisher Music Recording Musician Publishing Production Rock Club Sound Engineering Video Post Production / Duplication 279 List 10 Medical/Police/Fire Fire Fighter Firefighter Paramedic Nursing Paramedic Pathology Lab-Clinical List 11 Automotive/Engineering/Technical/Trade Automotive Performance CNC Machining Electrical Technician Construction Machinist Metal Engineering Tool And Die Maker Welder Plumber List 12 Government Education On Traumatic Brain Injury For The Gov't Government 280 Government Attorney Historic Preservation Legislative Correspondent For A Representative In The U.S House Lobbying Military List 13 Health/Fitness/Beauty Cheer Coach And Fitness Instructor Hair Stylist Hairstylist/Educator Health, Fitness & Recreation Programs List 14 Science Aerospace Geology Metrology List 15 Other Cir. Assistant In A Library Private Jet Charter Pilot Security At Target 281 APPENDIX B Survey and Interview Materials Online Survey Consent Form* Aesthetic Expressions: Punk Dress in the Workplace You are invited to be in a research study of punk dress and the workplace. You have volunteered to participate as a response to an online call for participants for this study. Please read this form and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be in the study. The contact information for questions is provided at the bottom of this form. This study is being conducted by: Monica Sklar, Doctoral Student, Department of Design, Housing, and Apparel, College of Design, University of Minnesota Background Information The purpose of our study is to gain insight and perspective about dress from people who self identify as punk, and work in situations that are not directly part of the punk subculture. The specific research is focused on punk individuals’ experiences concerning their apparel for their workplace environments. I will look into aesthetics concepts used negotiate dress between two identities. Procedure: If you agree to be in this study, we would ask you to participate in a brief online questionnaire. The questionnaire should take about ten minutes. Based on your responses to the questionnaire you may be selected for an in person interview to further discuss this topic. Risks and Benefits of being in the Study The study has no known risks to you as a participant. Benefits to your participation: Your responses will help develop a doctoral student’s dissertation study on punk dress and the workplace which helps that student complete her educational tasks. Also, the research developed in this dissertation will contribute to the bodies of knowledge on punk experiences, on workplace experiences, and on the connections between design and meaning. Ideally conclusions from this study will provide insight into the universal challenges in expression faced by individuals who have many facets to their lives 282 Compensation: You will receive no payment for participation in the online questionnaire. Confidentiality: The records of this study will be kept private. In any sort of report the researcher might publish, she will not include any information that will make it possible to identify a subject unless you clarify that you approve of your name or physical representation being used. Research records will be stored securely and only researchers will have access to the records. Voluntary Nature of the Study: Participation in this study is voluntary. Your decision whether or not to participate will not affect your current or future relations with the University of Minnesota. If you decide to participate, you are free to not answer any question or withdraw at any time with out affecting those relationships. Contacts and Questions: The researcher conducting this study is: Monica Sklar. You may ask any questions you have now. If you have questions later, you are encouraged to contact Monica at her University of Minnesota email address, which is skla0014@umn.edu. Since Monica is a Doctoral Student you may also contact her academic advisor, Marilyn DeLong at 612.625.1219 or mdelong@umn.edu. If you have any questions or concerns regarding this study and would like to talk to someone other than the researcher(s), you are encouraged to contact the Research Subjects’ Advocate Line, D528 Mayo, 420 Delaware St. Southeast, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455 or 612.625.1650. You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records. Statement of Consent: I have read the above information. I have asked questions and have received answers. I consent to participate in the study. *Note – A check-box for agreement indicated consent as this consent form was online and preceded the survey 283 Online Survey Questions* • • • • • • Birth date City of residence Are you full time employed? Y/N What type of work do you do? Briefly describe your workplace Approximately how many years have you been employed in the same position? Scale: 1-5, 6-10, 10-20, 20+ • • • Are you looking forward to a change upward in your work position? Y/N Would you self identify as “punk”? Y/N Approximately how many years have you been involved with the punk subculture? Scale: 1-5, 6-10, 10-20, 20+ • • Does your workplace have a required uniform? Y/N Does your workplace have an established dress code that you are aware of? Y/N • • If yes, how were you instructed about the dress code? Does your workplace have what you would consider “appropriate dress” regardless of whether you were specifically instructed about it? Y/N • How much do you feel dress is a method of self-expression of your identity? Scale: Not at all 1..2..3..4..5..6..7 Very Much • How much do you use dress (clothing, hair, accessories) as a method of self-expression of your interest in punk? Scale: Not at all 1..2..3..4..5..6..7 Very Much 284 • • Describe the most identifying “punk” thing about your appearance How much do you use dress (clothing, hair, accessories) as a method of self-expression of your work role? Scale: Not at all 1..2..3..4..5..6..7 Very Much • • Describe something about your appearance that you relate to your work How much do you try to look appropriate for the workplace? Scale: Not at all 1..2..3..4..5..6..7 Very Much Are there punk garments or styles of appearance you would not wear to work but you would wear otherwise? Y/N; If yes, list one. Are there punk garments or styles of appearance you would wear to work? Y/N; If yes, list one. *Note - Multiple questions has a Comments box after the answer for additional thoughts 285 Interview Consent Form Aesthetic Expressions: Punk Dress in the Workplace You are invited to be in a research study of punk dress and the workplace. You have volunteered to participate as a response to an online call for participants for this study. You were then selected for the in-person interviews based on your responses to the online questionnaire. Please read this form and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be in the study. The contact information for questions is provided at the bottom of this form. This study is being conducted by: Monica Sklar, Doctoral Student, Department of Design, Housing, and Apparel, College of Design, University of Minnesota Background Information: The purpose of our study is to gain insight and perspective about dress from people who self identify as punk, and work in situations that are not directly part of the punk subculture. The specific research is focused on punk individuals’ experiences concerning their apparel for their workplace environments. I will look into aesthetics concepts used negotiate dress between two identities. Procedure: If you agree to be in this study, we would ask you to participate in an in-person interview to further discuss this topic. You agree to meet with the researcher for approximately one hour to answer questions on the subject and to display items from your wardrobe. Risks and Benefits of Being in the Study: The study has no known risks to you as a participant. Benefits to your participation: Your responses will help develop a doctoral student’s dissertation study on punk dress and the workplace which helps that student complete her educational tasks. Also, the research developed in this dissertation will contribute to the bodies of knowledge on punk experiences, on workplace experiences, and on the connections between design and meaning. Ideally conclusions from this study will provide insight into the universal challenges in expression faced by individuals who have many facets to their lives Compensation: You will receive a $10 iTunes store gift card for participation in this interview. Confidentiality: The records of this study will be kept private. Research records will be stored securely and only researchers will have access to the records. Only the researcher will have access to full tape recordings and videotapes made during 286 this study. All materials collected and used in a public manner will be for education purposes. Recorded materials collected for this study will be erased upon the researcher’s completion of working on this topic. Confidentiality continued: Quotations from the interview dialogue and selected still or moving images will be used in the development of this research. In any sort of report the researcher might publish, she will not include any information that will make it possible to identify a subject. First names only will be used to represent your name. Please indicate if you would like your first name changed for public presentation of this work. Also please indicate if you wish for the researcher to remove identifying features from your video and any still photos that are created from the video. Please indicate your preferences on the following lines: __ Yes I wish to have my image used for public presentation of this work __ No I do not wish to have my image used for public presentation of this work __ Yes I wish to have my first name used for public presentation of this work __ No I do not wish to have my first name used for public presentation of this work Voluntary Nature of the Study: Participation in this study is voluntary. Your decision whether or not to participate will not affect your current or future relations with the University of Minnesota. If you decide to participate, you are free to not answer any question or withdraw at any time with out affecting those relationships. Contacts and Questions: The researcher conducting this study is: Monica Sklar. You may ask any questions you have now. If you have questions later, you are encouraged to contact Monica at her University of Minnesota email address, which is skla0014@umn.edu. Since Monica is a Doctoral Student you may also contact her academic advisor, Marilyn DeLong at 612.625.1219 or mdelong@umn.edu. If you have any questions or concerns regarding this study and would like to talk to someone other than the researcher(s), you are encouraged to contact the Research Subjects’ Advocate Line, D528 Mayo, 420 Delaware St. Southeast, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455 or 612.625.1650. 287 You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records. Statement of Consent: I have read the above information. I have asked questions and have received answers. I consent to participate in the study. Signature:_____________________________________________________ Date: __________________ Signature of Investigator:_________________________________________ Date: __________________ 288 Interview Questions Punk History and Dressing Punk: • • • • • Do you see yourself as punk at this time? Did you see yourself as punk in the past? How involved are you with punk culture? Describe some activities you participate in that you consider punk. What is your level of involvement in punk culture? Scale: Little involvement to Very involved • • • Describe a positive experience when you have worn punk dress. Describe a negative experience when you have worn punk dress. Are there types of dress you would not wear to a punk environment? If so please explain. • • Has your punk style changed over the years? How much of your time and money are spent on clothes for your punk style? • • • How would you describe punk dress in general? Now please describe punk dress as you personally have worn it. What are the specific elements of your dress that you consider to be punk? • Do you have dress items that become punk by the way in which you wear them? • How would/do you alter your appearance to differentiate punk identity from 289 other identities? Workplace Environment and Dressing for Work: • • • What do you do for a living? Describe your position. How important is your current job in defining who you are? What is your level of involvement in your workplace culture? In your profession’s culture? • Do you personally work with the public and/or clients? If yes how frequently? • • Do you work mostly internally with other coworkers? Is there an understanding about what constitutes appropriate dress at your work? For your position specifically? • Are you making any efforts to adopt the appropriate attire at your work? If so in what way? If not talk about why not. • Do you attempt to resist wearing the appropriate attire at your work? If so in what way? If not talk about why not. • • • Has the way you dress for work changed over the years? How much of your time and money are spent on clothes for work? Are there other people at your work who appear to be part of punk culture? • Are there other people at work who appear to be part of other subcultures? • • How would you generally describe dress for a workplace? How would you generally describe work dress as you have personally 290 worn it? • • What are some specific elements of your work dress? How would/do you alter your appearance to differentiate work identity from other identities • How much do you consider your punk interests and your work interests separate? Scale: Totally separate to Totally the same • Do you identify more with your coworkers or the people in the punk community? • • Do you have specific work clothes that differ from what your punk clothes? (For those who do not have a work dress code): Can you wear punk dress at work pretty much the same as you would wear outside of work? • (For those with some appearance restrictions at work): Are there some aspects of your punk dress that you can wear at work? What are they? • • • Do you try to blend your punk style and your work style of dressing? How would/do you alter your punk appearance for the workplace Do you alter your punk appearance at work depending on your work tasks that day? • • Are you concerned about your punk appearance in your workplace? Do you spend more time preparing for workplace dressing than nonwork dressing? • Do you consider coworker and bosses opinions when you are getting dressed for work? • Is our dress/appearance the same or similar in every environment? What 291 changes in your look depending on context-what stays the same? • What would be your response if your workplace adopted a dress code that did not allow for punk dress? A uniform? • Is your wardrobe mostly whole ensembles that you always wear together or is it pieces that you mix and match? • Are there certain garments you would not put together for work but perhaps you would for a punk environment? • Are there items in your wardrobe you can wear to both punk and work environments? If so discuss them. • Do you change the details of your punk dress when you get ready for work? If yes, explain • Are there colors, textures, or other physical components of your clothes that are only for punk or only for work environments? (i.e. leather, fishnet, tweed, khaki, plaid) General: • • • Do you tend to be self-conscious about how you look? Are you generally concerned with others’ opinions about how you look? Are you generally concerned with your own opinion about how you look? Video: • How are your punk dress styles and work dress styles different?